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MEMOIRS

OF

PRINCE EUGENE

OP

SAVOY;

WRITTEN BY~ HIMSELF.

TRANSLATED

FROM THE GENUINE FRENCH EDITION,

CONTAINING ALL THOSE PASSAGES WHICH HAVE SINCE

BEEN SUPPRESSED BY ORDER OF THE

FRENCH GOVERNMENT,

BY FREDERIC SHOBERL.

SECOND EDITION,

niTn AN INTRODUCTION, AND NOTES,
HISTORICAL, BIOGRAPHICAL, &C.

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR HENRY COLBURN,

ENGLISH AND FOREIGN PUBLIC LIBRARY,
CONDUIT-STREET, NEW BOND-STREET.

1811.

-.Esbs"

B. Clarke, Printer, Well-Street, London.

V

ADVERTISEMENT.

The original of the work here presented to the
public first appeared at Weymar, in 1S09. It was
afterwards reprinted at Paris, where considerable
pains were taken id correct numerous errors in the
names and punctuation, and it is from one of these
improved copies that the present translation luis been
made. Another edition has since, been published in
France, but with the omission of various passages
which probably appeared obnoxious to the govern-
ment of that country. All these passages will be
found in the following sheets, which the reader may-
be assured contain a faithful version. of the entire
work, without abridgment or mutilation.

On the merits of this singular production of a
man, whose history for a long period is interwoven
with that of all Europe, it is unnecessary to offer any
comment, after the opinion which has been given by
the ablest of our critical Reviewers. M We are
admitted, in these memoirs," says the Edinburgh
Review*, " into the confidence of a statesman and
hero, with whose life a very important period of our
history is closely connected. We are instructed by
the candid recitals of a powerful mind, viewing every
object in a great and masterly style ; disclosing the
most secret causes of evenly; simplifying the ap-
parent mysteries of Court intrigues ; doing justice to
neglected or injured merit; and throwing the broad
light of genius over the obscurest parts of his career.

" We are particularly struck, in this work, with
the candor and warmth of heart displayed by Prince
Eugene, in speaking of the French generals to whom
he was opposed, and by the simplicity with which
he relates his own actions, as well as the severity
with which he judges his own mistakes. It is in this
respect, perhaps, that we feel the strongest and the
most humiliating contrast to the habits of modern
times, when, instead of this chivalrous tone of mag-
nanimity, modesty, and candor, we meet with no-

* No. XXXIII. p. 40.

a2

1V ADVERTISEMENT.

thing, even in (he narratives of great commanders,
but specimens of that vulgar, boasting, and degrad-
ing rancor, which used to be the characteristic of the
lowest of the people. Of his frfends and colleagues
the Prince generally writes, or rather speaks, with
enthusiasm : for he appears to have dictated the
greater part of the book to a secretary, in consequence
of which,, perhaps, it has all the eaie and poignancy
of private consideration. We consider it, indeed, as
a treasure of anecdote.

" The work bears internal marks of authenticity.
Jt is written with great brevity, great carelessness, and
great vivacity — in a lone of levity and occasional
hardhearted ness, that marks the man of the world —
and with so much of (he gay, familiar, and sarcastic
manner of the genuine French wits, as frequently to
•remind us of the brilliant Memoires de Grammont."

It may not be amiss to jremark that the publisher has
spared no pains to render this work worthy of a place
in every library. The portrait of the illustrious
author, and thefac-simile of his hand-writing, cannot
fail to prove a pleasing accompaniment.

The present edition, after the rapid sale of the
first, is presented to the public with new and still
stronger claims to patronage. The Introduction,
containing an account of the family of Prince Eu-
gene, and an historical sketch of the circumstances
under- which he commenced his glorious career, to-
gether with copious notes, collected with consider-
able labor, will, it is presumed, prove highly ac-
ceptable to every class of readers, and in particular
to the soldier and politician. The researches under-
taken for this purpose also afforded the means of
correcting numerous errors, chiefly in the names of
persons and places, which had not previously been
detected ; so that to the recommendations of this
edition it adds the merit of superior accuracy to
any of its predecessors in any language.

PREFACE

TO THE WEYMAR EDITION.

Wi acquainted vwth

now that the Count de Canales
I city, near thirty years, as the

of the King of Sardinia. One of his
d to the Count de
rand-huntsman, and one or two
In the interval which
j the d f Prince Eugene, and

preceding the coming of the Count de Canales,
the prince^ niece and heiress, married to the
Prince of Hildburgbausen, possessed an ex-
cellent house, and kept a kind of little court
in the prince's garden, now known by the
.ion of the Belvidere. There the
at de Canales was introduced the day
after his arrival; she soon became attached
not only as the minister of the king,
her cousin, but also as a very agreeable and

vi Preface.

well-informed man. The Memoirs of Prince
Eugene were jet fresh ; he circulated in so-
ciety many of the expressions, sarcasms, and
anecdotes contained in them*

The Count de Canales was a great collector.
An editor of that class who at the present
day impose upon the living pretended relics of
the dead, would have abundant opportunity
to make the latter say whatever he pleased.
I know not whether the Count de Canales
committed to writing what he learned from
very recent tradition ; but nothing of the sort
was found among his papers. It was among
those of another person, that what is here pre-
sented to the public was discovered, and in
the following manner.

The Princess of Hildburghausen, after re-
lating a great deal concerning her uncle, said
to him : — " As to his military transactions,
you must excuse me : but here is a short
sketch of them, written partly by the hand of
the prince himself, between his last campaign
and his death. Do not keep it ; read it with
attention, and then return it to me."

PREFACE. ^ll

1 imagine that the Count de Canales was in
no great hurry; at least so much is certain that
the manuscript was still in his hands when the
princess died, I believe in 1752 or 1753.

It was not thought of for a great length of
time. Count O'Donel, general of cavalry,
and uncle, after the fashion of Bretagne, to
the Count O'Donel, who is at present at
Vienna, told me that he had read it.

For upwards of twenty years the Count de
Canales passed all his evenings with the cele-
brated Metastasio and the Baron de Hagen,
who died presidept of the Aulic Council,
seven or eight years ago. Sometimes the
graver classics were the subjects of their con-
versation ; sometimes they culled the lighter
beauties of the language and literature of
eyevy nation.

The Abbe Guasco, a friend of Montes-
quieu's, was admitted as a Piedmontese and a
man of letters to the evening parties of the
Count de Canales, whenever he returned from
Paris or Tournay, where he had a canonry.

VUl PREFACE.

One day when all four were on the subject of
history, Prince Eugene happened to be men-
tioned. " Here/' said the Count de Canales,
"is what I have collected respecting his
private and military life; you shall hear it,
but you must not carry it away. I will not
give you the prince in robe de cliambre ; but I
am desirous to shew him to you in helmet and
armour/' continued he, turning to the Abbe
de Guasco, " for the instruction of your
brother : he ought to study him ; he will have
occasion for it, since he has just been appoinf-
ed quarter-master general of Marshal Bairn's
army." — This conversation must consequently
have taken place in the month of February,
1757.

Many people still living can attest the ac-
curacy of what I am advancing, and especially
that of the dates, on which point I am particu-
larly scrupulous. To one I venture to appeal,
if he be yet alive, as I hope, for two years ago
he was recovering from a severe illness at
Moron, a small town in Tyrol, whither, driven
from Italy, I, unhappy emigrant, repaired with
my slender baggage. Should he be dead,

PREFACE. IX

bis daughter is not; she was promised the ap-
pointment of canoness at Halle. She will not
refuse to certify the truth of what I say ; for
she was present at my conversations with her
venerable father, aged ninety-two, M. de
Ferraris, major on half- pay, formerly aid-
de-camp to the Count de Guasco, general of
infantry.

The reader will begin to trace the descent
of the work which I have printsd, a;H,d to per-
ceive in what manner it has found its way be-
fore the public. Want of money on my part,
the curiosity of an old soldier, graiiiude for my
attentions on his part, and the indii of a

»jg man to all that is passing around him :
this it was that procured me this magnificent
present, which he made im with a voice
scarcely audible. Besides, nothing was to
be sold in a little town of *he Tyrol; «
are no buyers. The kind M. de Fesrkjris
gave or suffered those around him to take
what they pleased. Some of his old friends.,
half-pay officers like himself, took possession
of his books; an Austrian general" employed
at Inspruck of his maps ; and I, though I

X PREFACE.

never expect to have armies to command, fell
upon a manuscript whose title rendered it
valuable to me. The letters are made long and
narrow in this manuscript, the authenticity of
which may be ascertained by comparing it with
the Prince's signature at the Aulic Council of
war, at Vienna, of which a copy is subjoined.
It is Very remarkable that the German character
and orthography were both unknown to him,
and that he signed his name in three different
languages. It was in this manner, which I
defy any person whatsoever to disprove.

'wear

PREFACE. XI

For the rest, it is only the conversations
which he had with different persons, the re-
flections, and the last year that are in his own
hand writing. He appears to have dictated
the rest to a secretary.

This Major Ferraris was a man of great
merit ; he possessed the confidence of his
general, whose dangers he shared, and whose
operations he seconded at the siege of Schweid-
nitz in 1762. He contributed the more to-
wards it, as he frequently reconciled the dif-
ferences that took place between M. de Guasco
and M. de Gribeauval, a celebrated French
engineer — differences which invariably occur
between officers whose authority is not accu-
rately determined ; and he inherited all the
plans and books belonging to his general ;
on his death as a prisoner, a year or two
afterwards I believe, at Kbnigsberg. Hav-
ing become possessed of this manuscript, I
put it into the hands of George Conrad Wald-
burg, printer and bookseller at Klagenfurt
where the curious may examine the hand-
writing of Prince Eugene, and thus have an

XU . PREFACE.

opportunity of ascertaining its authenticity.
The following is a copy of his acknowledg-
ment of the receipt of this valuable manu-
script.

<c I acknowledge with gratitude that Morv-
sieur N..^., a French emigrant officer, has
put this manuscript of Prince Eugene's into
my possession.

" George Conrad Waldburg.

" KIngenfurt, January 1st, 1807."

I know not whether some person in the
chancery of the prince might not possibly
have taken a copy of this excellent work,
which may have furnished the outline of the
history reprinted at Vienna, by Briffaut, in
1777. I cannot tell what the author meant by
this expression: {{ I had an opportunity to
avail myself of what was written by Prince
Eugene in the German language. " Did he
intend to assert or to make people believe that
the prince wrote in German? I have shewn
above that he was not sufficiently acquainted

PREFACE. X1U

with the language for that. I think it was
a Monsieur Lazzay, or a Monsieur Rousset,
who was the author or printer of a history in
five volumes.

In the style of the prince will be found a
military air, which well accords with his
physiognomy and his actions. Another proof
of the authenticity of this manuscript is the
garrulity of age which it exhibits; repeti-
tions which a professed author would haye
avoided, negligences which a man of letters
would not have committed ; in a word, there
is no part of it but what betrays the military
man. The tone which pervades it would be
ill adapted to any other character, but may be
allowed in a soldier, whose style is not always
excellent, and sometimes too familiar. That
of the prince, such as it is, is clear and concise ;
so he was also in conversation, as I have been
told by the Prussian General Lentulus, who
retired to Neufchatel, where he died at a very
advanced age. He had served under him in
his last campaign' on the Rhine, whither he
had accompanied the great Frederic, then

XIV . PREFACE

prince royal. Here is abundance of facts,
dates, and names, which may be confronted ;
my name alone shall not be made public.

INTRODUCTION.

In relating the parentage of the author and hero
of these Memoirs, it would be unnecessary to go back
to the origin of the ancient house of Savoy, from
which he sprung. It will be sufficient for our present
purpose to observe that Charles Emanuel, surnamed
the Great, Duke of Savoy, married Catherine of Aus-
tria, daughter of Philip II. of Spain, by whom he had
several children, among whom were four sons: Philip
Emanuel, who died an infant ; Victor Amedasus, his
successor ; Emanuel Philibert, viceroy of Naples ;
Maurice, who was first a cardinal, but renounced the
ecclesiastical condition to marry his niece, of whom
he became enamored ; and Thomas Francis, founder
of the branch of Carignan. The latter went to
France, where he married Mary de Bourbon, daugh-
ter of Charles, Count of Soissons, who was killed at
the battle of Sedan, in 1641. This lady, who was of
the blood-royal of France, brought him the county
of Soissons, which title he assumed. By this union
he had three sons, Philibert Emanuel, Prince of Ca-
rignan ; Joseph Emanuel, Count of Soissons ; and
Eugene Maurice, who on the death of the preceding,
assumed his title, and having married Olympia Man-
cini, one of the nieces of the celebrated Cardinal
Mazarine, had by her three daughters and four sons,
the youngest of whom, Francis Eusr^ne, was born
October the 18th, 1663.

Cardinal Mazarine, it is well-known, had elevated
himself to the high situation of prime miaisfer, du-

XVi INTRODUCTION.

ring the minority of Louis XI V. and the regency of
his mother, Anne of Austria. The Cardinal, a na-
tive of Italy, sent to that country for his two sisters,
who were widows, the one with two daughters, and the
other with five. These he introduced at the 'French
court, when the young monarch began to approach
the years of manhood ; and as his ambition was
equal to his avarice, he probably hoped that some
one of them might so far captivate the heart of the
inexperienced Louis,- then only seventeen years old,
as to induce him in time to make her the partner of
his throne. The eldest of the Mancinis was soon
married to the Duke de Mcrcceur, and Louis, from
associating chiefly with these ladies, began to cast
his eyes on the next sister, then only eighteen. Ac-
cording to Madame de Motteville, she was far from
being a perfect beauty. Her eyes were full of fire,
and though her face was not very lovely, yet her
youth made amends for that. She was inclining 10
be fat, her complexion was very fair, and her face
long, but she had fascinating dimples in her cheeks,
which were very preltj', as was also her mouth, which
was very small. She had delicate hands, and in
short, the magnificence of her dress, and her wit,
made her a very fine young lady, though far infe-
rior in that respect to her sister; but she pleased the
king best, and was an accomplished beauty in his
eyes, though not in those of other people. He saw
her often, till it was feared that this connection, not-
withstanding-his youth, would at last induce him tor
do her a greater honor than was becoming, or she
could pretend to. With this lady the king conti-
nued for some time to amuse himself, but shewed
no signs of a passion for her ; yet his partiality
to her company procured her great honors, and
considerable advantages at court. The king
always danced with her ; she had the preference
on all occasions where a monarch's favor can

INTRODUCTION. XYll

he shewn ; and it seemed as if all the balls, diver-
sions, and entertainments were given only to divert
and please {his lady.

She had ^however, penetration enough to perceive
that the kind's love for her was only an amuse-
ment ; and she was not pleased to see that her uncle
the cardinal, so far from studying her individual
interest, made no other use of her than to keep up
his influence With the king, and aggrandize his fa-
mily. The attentions of the young monarch de-
clined ; his roving desires began to be transferred to
other objects, and among the rest to a younger
sister of Mademoiselle Mancini, who, in the sequel,
gained such power over him, that very serious conse-
quences were justly apprehended. In this situation,
Olympia, without wholly renouncing? her claim upon
JLiouisYaftections, resolved to procure herself a solid
establishment, and accordingly gave her hand to
Eugene Maurice, of Savoy, Count of Soissons,
who combined with his illustrious descent, the cha-
racter of a truly honorable man, and an excellent
husband.

The king, we are told, saw this marriage solem-
nized without the least concern, and from this indif-
ference, it is fair to infer, that his passion was not
very violent, and that many who had feared other-
wise were mistaken. The Queen-mother indeed
had always declared that itwTas ridiculous to imagine
that her son could do any thing1 derogatory to his
dignity, that she could answer for the integrity
of the Cardinal's intentions, and there was nothing
.to fear from Mademoiselle Mancini's ambition. One
day, says Madame de Motteville, after the marriage
was agreed upon, the queen seeing Cardinal Maza-
rine and the Princess of Carignan talking together of
this affair, said to me : Did I not tell you right, that

b

XV111 INTRODUCTION.

there was nothing to be apprehended from the king1*?
passion for Madame de Maneini ? — These facts prove
at least how extensive must have been her influence
over the youthful monarch.

The Count of Soissons was too complaisant a cour-
tier and a husband to take umbrage at the visits
which the kins: continue I to pay to his wife, not-
withstanding his own marriage to the infanta of
Spain. The countess was appointed superintendant
of the queen's household, and as such had apart-
ments assigned her in the Tuilcries. Here she reign-
ed, says the Duke de St. Simon, after the death of
her uncle, and here she maintained her empire by a
relic of the cardinal's munificence, and still more
by her genius and her address. Her residence had
become the rendezvous of a very select party of the
most distinguished persons of both sexes, which made
it the focus of the gallantry of the court, of intrigues
and ambitious projects, over which relationship had
considerable influence : and the countess was then as
much courted, caressed, and respected, as she was
afterwards neglected and forgotten. It was this bril-
liant company that the king at first frequented, and
here he acquired that polish, and air of gallantry
-which he ever afterwards retained; but the adven-
tures and intrigues which, though a monarch, he here
met with, produced impressions that were too strong
for him, and proved eventually pernicious. Nothing,
says the same writer, in another place, was equal to
the splendor of the Countess of Soissons, from whom
the king never stirred either before or after his mar-
riage, till the fear of being obliged to share her em-
pire with his mistresses involved her in a silly affair
which occasioned her to be banished with Vardes and
the Count de Guiche.

The Duke of Orleans 3 the only brother of Louis

INTRODUCTION. XIX

XI V\ had married the Princess Henrietta, daughter
of the unfortunate* Charles I. of England. The
king, who had despised her a few years before on ac-
count of her youth, felt such a partiality for her
when she had become his sister-in-law, that he was
seldom out of her company; and as he kept his court
sometimes at her house, and sometimes at that of the
Countess of Soissons, this led to an intimacy between
those ladies. About this time a quarrel between the
Countess and the Duchess de Navailles, lady of honor
to the queen, concerning the righls of their respec-
tive offices, set the whole court of France in a flame.
The matter in dispute being referred to the king; was
by him decided in favor of the latter. Such was the
resentment of the countess on this occasion, that she
prevailed on the count to send a challenge to the
duke, who, partly from religious motives, partly
from gratitude for the favors conferred on him by
Cardinal Mazarin, refused to fight the husband of
his niece. The consequence was, that the count was
banished from the court.

Nevertheless, as we are told by Madame de Mot-
teville, the Countess of Soissons redoubled her efforts
to regain the king's affections, and sbe and the Du-
chess of Orleans became his constant companions.
They engaged by day in an incessant round of plea-
sures and entertainments, and took excursions by
night in the woods of Fontainebleau, frequently not
returning till two or three o'clock in the morning.
The Queen-mother, grieved at this disregard of all
decorum, remonstrated on the subject with the king
and her daughter-in-law, with whom, however, her
admonitions had very little weight. But what
maternal authority was not able to effect, was ac-
complished by a new passion which began to inflame
the fickle heart of the king.

b2

XX INTRODUCTION,

Among Madarae's ladies of honor, whom the king-
had frequent opportunities of soting in his visits to
her, was Mademoiselle de la Valliere, who, according
to some writers of that period, was purposely thrown
in his way by the duchess and the Countess of Sois-
aons, to prevent the scandal of a suspected amour
with his sister-in-law. According to others, howe-
ver, his attentions, which those two ladies attributed
to themselves, were in reality paid to la Valliere, for
a considerable time before the true object was disco-
vered. Thus, if he ordered entertainments, tourna-
ments, ballets; if, anxious to shine, he himself per-
formed a part in them, they knew not that it was for
the purpose of gaining a look of approbation from a
humble female in their train. If they always found
liim gallant and sprightly in their company, if lie
took delight, in saying agreeable things to all the
young ladies in their circle, they knew not that it
was with a view to get without suspicion at the object
of his attachment, who saw through the artifice.
When he distributed among la Valliere's companions
sometimes ribbons, feathers, handsome trinkets, at
others, lace, diamonds, and costly finery, the prin-
cess and countess had no idea that it was for the pur-
pose of making her accept some valuable present
which he had the art to allot to her, as if by accident,
and which she would not have taken had she not been
emboldened by the example of the others.

On discovering that la yalliere had robbed her of
her remaining favor with the king, ambition, love,
and jealousy, divided the soul of the Countess of Sois-
sons. She set up a rival to the new mistress, in the
person of Mademoiselle de la Mot he Houdancourt,
one of the queen's maids of honor, whom he visited
at the house of the countess, and she neglected no op-
portunity of insulting the new favorite. The latter hay-

INTRODUCTION. Ifcl

ln> one day passed the lady who was thus destined
toVipplant her in the king's affections without sa*
luting her, the countess said aloud to Madame de
Ventadour : " I knew perfectly well that Valliere
was a cripple, but I never knew till n©w that she
was blind." La Valliere complained to the king,
who forbade the countess to appear at the Louvre.
" We shall at least .know," observed the exasperated
countess, " whom we are to adore; and the king must
either renounce la Valliere, or disgrace that scrupu*
lous creature by a public avowal."

Louis, says Mad. de Motteville, was in the habit of
going into the apartment of the maids of honor, and
when the duchess de Navailles, the lady of honor, for*
bade him this liberty, he used to converse with Made*
moiselle de la Mothe Houdancourt through a hole
in the wainscot partition. The duchess having re*
ceived information that men, who from their appear*
ance could not be suspected of being robbers, had
been seen at night going along the gutters of the
roof, by which such adventurers might gain access
to the chambers of the maids of honor, her zeal Oa
this occasion was so great, that without taking time
to consider of a method which might with less noise
prevent what she feared, she immediately ordered
those passages to be stopped with iron grates. Of
this circumstance the Countess of Soissons did not
fail to avail herself, and with a view of recovering
her influence over the king, as well as to revenge
herself of her old enemy the Duchess of Navailles,
she gave every possible encouragement to this new
amour, and took the greatest pains to enrage him
against the grates, which she said were made more
to contradict and affront bim, than out of any scru-
ple of conscience. Louis had, nevertheless, sufficient
command of himself not to shew all his resentment
on the subject of the grates -$ he coageal^d bis vexa-

XXU INTRODUCTION.

tion under an air of raillery and scorn, but did not
forget them, as his vengeance against those who had
presumed to oppose him afterwards demonstrated.

The intimacy between Madame and the Countess
of Soissons still subsisted, and they drew into their
society all the courtiers of botli sexes, most distin-
guished for gallantry. Among the men were the
Count tie Cuiche, son of the Marquis of Grammont,
and Du Bee Crepin, Marquis de Vardes, the former
attached to Madame, the latter to the Countess of
Soissons, both of whom it was said made an ade-
quate return. Louis still took delight in their com-
pany, but he visited them less frequently since la
Vallierej who shunned the great world, kept him by
her side. Irritated at being thus deprived of the
king, they resolved at least to part her from him.
To accomplish this design, they contrived a scheme
to make the y<;ung queen acquainted with the infide-
lity of her husband ; under the idea that she would
not fail to eomplain of it to the queen-mother, that
both of them would harass the king on account of
it, and that Louis would either dismiss la Valliere
to obtain quietness, or that she, ashamed of causing
discord sniong the royal family, vexed at the mor-
tifjcatibne which she would have to endure, would
withdraw of herself, and then the king would return
to their society. This plan being agreed upon, de
Vardes 90m posed a letter, as if written by the King
of Spain to his daughter, and dr Guiche translated
it into Spanish. The Countess of Sois5ons furnished
the cover of a letter which had really come from
Spain, and which she had picked up for the purpose
in the queen's apartment. She likewise undertook
to put it in such a place that it could not help falling
into the hands of that princess ; but whether from
these measures bei;;g awkwardly executed, or from
some inevitable accident, the packet was found by

INTRODUCTION. XX111

Molina, the queen's chief watting woman. Sur-
prized at such a discovery, she examined it, and
perceiving" something suspicious, particularly in the
seal, carried it to the king, without shewing it to her
mistress. The astonishment of his majesty may ea-
sily be conceived ; he took a survey of his whole
court, and considered who could have been the au~
thor of this trick. Being unab!e to fix upon any
individual, he called Vardes, a man of sound under-
standing, and who possessed his confidence, and be-
<ran again the same examination together with him.
This lover of the Countess of Soissons, as had been
previously agreed, at first hesitated, and at length
threw out some suspicions against Mad. de Navailles.
" Recollect," said the treacherous confidant to the
king, u that this woman has never ceased to oppose
the inclinations of your Majesty. Have you not re-
marked that she affects an exclusive attachment to
the queen ? that when her majesty is dejected, the
queen-mother and Mad. de Navailles look at each
other with gestures expressive of compassion, that
they appear to invite her to ease her heart by relating
to them the subject of her grief, and that it seems as
if the secret were a burden to themselves ? I will
even confess, that lately, when the countess spoke by
your order to the queen to quiet her respecting Ma-
dame de la Valliere, she found her better informed
than she imagined. Whence can she obtain her
intelligence except from the lady of honor, who never
leaves her ? And then, who could have furnished
the cover except herself, as she has constant and
daily access to the queen's apartments ? As to the
letter, nothing is more easy than to get it written and
translated into Spanish, which plenty of people about
the court are capable of doing." The king, who
cherished a secret resentment against the lady of
honor, was neither difficult of persuasion, nor slow
to punish. Regardless of the entreaties of his rap-

XX17 INTRO&UC'i

*

tber, whom he thought mistaken or suspected of con-
nivance, he deprived the Duke and Duchess of
Navailles of all their employments, and banished
them to their estates.

This treachery, however, went not long un-
punished. Numberless intrigues were formed in the
company, of those with whom it originated. Ma-
dame having shewn rather too marked a kindness for
the Count de Guiche, the Duke of Orleans, her
husband, was made jealous of her, for he would never
have been so of himself. He required that his sup-
posed rival should leave the kingdom. During his
absence, Vardes, whom he had eul.< -usted to watch
over his interests with madame, endeavoured to sup-
plant him with that princess, who would not listen
to him. Exasperated at her refusal, he behaved
with insolence to the duchess ; she complained of
his treatment to the king, who sent him to the
Bastille. The Countess of Soissons, exasperated
against madame, for depriving her of a man to whom
she was so much attached, on his release encouraged
him anew to defy the princess. She threatened to
acquaint the king with all that had passed, and ma-
dame fearing the execution of these menaces, was
before-hand with her, and informed his majesty of
all the circumstances respecting the mysterious letter.
The king forgave the part she had taken in that af-
fair, on account of her candor, but on the 13th of
March, 1605, the Count and Countess of Soissons,
notwithstanding the king's former friendship for her,
received an order to leave the court.

Some time after this the countess made her peace
with the offended monarch, and obtained permission
to return to Paris, on condition of her resigning th«
office of superintendant of the queen's household,
which Louis gave to a new favorite,Madame de Mon-

INTRODUCTION. XXf

tcspan. She now found herself in a very different
sphere from that in -which she had formerly moved.
In 1673, the Count of Soissons, then serving in the.
army of Germany, died very suddenly, and in J 680
the countess was involved in a new disgrace. The
unbounded licentiousness authorized by the example
of the monarch and his court, produced a species of
crime, which struck terror into France, and filled all
Europe with astonishment and horror. The use of
poison as the instrument of vengeance or avarice
began to be introduced. Louvois by his innovations
was at declared enmity with the most distinguished of
the nobility. He was not afraid of open attacks,
but apprehended the secret machinations of their
hatred. The affair of the Countess de Bi in villiers,
a lady of a good family, young and beautiful, who
poisoned friends, relations, servants, husband and
father, and suffered the punishment due to such
atrocities in 1676',excited a great sensation ; especially
as she was spared the torture and flattered till the last
moment with the hope of pardon to prevent her
making discoveries. A still stronger sensation was
excited in 16S0, by the trial of la Vigor. reus and
Voisjn, two women who laid claim to the art of
sorcery and predicting future events, who s«M
essences, pomatums, as well as the most subtle and
virulent poisons to women tired of their husbands,
and to children desirous of getting rid of their
parents. The common people consulted them as
fortune-tellers, and the courtiers in the character of
poisoners. At first they practised their art without
much noise. Thirst of gain, or the hope of being
skreened by the number of their accomplices!
rendered them bolder and bolder, till they at length
sold their drugs publicly and without any precau-
tion* Madame de Montespan was afraid of poison ,
and Louvois of sorcery ; and the king yielding to
their importunities established the Chambn Ardente9

XXVI INTRODUCTION.

as it. was called, in the arsenal, for the express pur-
pose of taking cognizance of offences connected with
those subjects. Among the accused was the Marshal
do Luxembourg, who like many others was confined
for several months in the Bastille, and the Countess
of Soissons. The latter fled to the 'Netherlands,
where, according to report, she was denied admit-
tance into several towns, the magistrates of which
informed her that they wanted no poisoners within
their walls. At length, however, she found a refuge
at Brussels. I have been the more particular in
detailing the circumstances attending the last re-
moval of the countess from Paris, to enable the
reader to judge of the degree of credit which should
be attached to what follows.

From Flanders she went to Spain. Her motives
in so doing it was impossible to guess; for in that
country foreign princes had no rank, and it could
not but prove a great mortification to a woman who
had moved in so exalted a sphere in France, to doom
herself to live in a place where she could not appear
in public with distinction. The queen, a niece of
Louis XIV. who had not consented to the match
without reluctance, nevertheless lived more happily
than she had expected. She had gained the esteem
and affection of her husband to such a degree, that
the Court of Vienna began to be apprehensive lest
she should acquire sufficient influence to detach him
from the interests of the emperor. Count Mansfeld
was then the imperial ambassador at Madrid : with
him the Countess of Soi sons on her arrival contract-
ed an intimacy. The queen, ardently attached to
France, had a strong desire to see her; but tin king,
who had heard enough of this lady, and received
warning from all quarters that a design had been
formed to poison the queen, could not without the
greatest difficulty be prevailed upon to consent to th^

INTRODUCTION. XXVU

so much desired interviews. Nevertheless, repeated
importunities at length extorted the permission that
the countess might sometimes come after dinner by a
private staircase to see her, but in the king's presence.
By degrees hev visits grew more frequent, though they
always excited repugnance and suspicion in her
husband ; so that he begged the queen as a particu-
lar favor, never to take any thing presented to her by
the countess till he had first tasted it, as he well knew
that there could be no intention of poisoning him. —
Milk is a rarity at Madrid. One day, the weather
being very hot, the queen wished for some. The
countess, who had by degrees begun to be left alone
with her, said she knew where excellent milk was to
be had* and promised to bring her some in an ice.
It is asserted that it was prepared at Count Mans-
feld's. The countess carried it to the queen, who
had no sooner swallowed it, than she was taken
extremely ill. Amidst the bustle occasioned by
this accident, the countess slipped away from the
palace, returned to her house, where her most
valuable effects were ready packed, and left Madrid.
The king sent after her ; but her measures were so
well concerted, that his messengers could not over-
take her. The queen died suddenly like her mother,
and was much regretted in Spain, as Henrietta
was in France. The countess fled to Germany,
where she lived in great obscurity. Mansfeld, on
the contrary, was recalled, and invested with the
highest offices at the Court of Vienna. When
Charles II. afterwards married a German princess,
the countess obtained permission to return to Flan-
ders. She again fixed her residence at Brussels.
How far from enviable was then the situation of
this lady, who had been mistress to the greatest
monarch of Europe, may be inferred from the
following fact, recorded by Dangeau. u On the
15th of March, 1695," says he, " the Countess of

XXMll INTRODUCTION.

Soissons, reduced, as it were, to beggarj', applied iq
the Duke of Mazarine, who sent her two thousand
francs. '' She died, we are told by Anquetil, at
Brussels, forsaken by all, poor, and universally
despised, and even very little noticed by the Prince
.Eugene, her son.

Such were the principal features in the life of the
Countess of Soissons, a knowledge of which wilt
serve to elucidate certain expressions in these
Memoirs, that might not otherwise be understood by
the generality of readers. Let us now proceed to
give a brief sketch of the early year* of her cele-
brated son.

In France, as elsewhere, it was commonly the lot
of younger children to be destined for the church.
Scarcely had Eugene attained the age of seven years,
when he had two abbies given him, both situated in
Piedmont, near Turin. Though he displayed an
excellent capacity for study, it soon appeared that
the condition for which he was designed was by no
means suited to his inclination. At a very early age
he look delight in hearing of battles and sieges, and
his eyes sparkled with joy at the sound of the trunv
pet or the drum. The death of his father, when he
was about ten years old, made no change in the pro*
gress of his education ; though it made a great altera-
tion in his mother's circumstances, by the loss of
his salary as governor of Champagne. The dis-
grace ot his mother, which followed some time
afterwards, completely deranged the affairs of his
family. The court of France, however, continued a
pension to Prince Eugene, that he might appear ac-
cording to his rank/ He went by the name of the
Abbe de Savoye, and the king jocosely called him
the Little Abbe. His martial inclination grew
{stronger with his years. The appellation of Abbe

INTRODUCTION. XX\%

had become hateful to him, because it was an
obstacle to his military ardor; and as soon as he
was emancipated from the superintendence of a
tutor, he requested permission of the king to resign
the ecclesiastical dignities which he had been pleased
to confer on him, and to give him a commission in
his army, in which he might serve him much more
Usefully. Louis refused his request, cither for
the reasons assigned by the prince in his preface, or
on account of want of interest at court since his
father's i\c?.ih and his mother's disgrace. ; or the
hatred of Louvois, occasioned by the natural pride
of the prince, which would not allow him to cringe
before that minister. Exasperated at this refusal,
Eugene protested before some of his friends that he
would enter into the service of some other power,
and would never return to France but as a conque-
ror. While awaiting an opportunity to put these
threats and this design into execution, he
continued to learn all the exercises befitting a prince
destined for the military profession. His highness
made a rapid progress both in those of the body and
mind : and there was nothing but what his applica-
tion and military bias rendered easy to him. At~
length arrived the day which called him to the com-
mencement of his brilliant career.

Leopold, Emperor of Germany, was engaged in a
war with the Turks. The severity with which the
Court of Vienna had treated Count Stephen Tekeli
had lost it the affection of all the Hungarian
nobles. The count was a man of high rank in
his country, and his great wealth contributed in
no small degree to his misfortunes. Troops were
sent to take possession\of the Castle of Kus, in
which Tekeli had shut himself up. Scarcely had
the imperialists begun the attack, when the count
died so suddenly as to excite suspicions that his

XXX INTRODUCTION.

death was not a natural one. His son Emeric,
only fifteen years old, fled to another castle,
whither he was pursued by the imperialists; at
length he escaped to Transylvania. The property
left by his father was confiscated, and his estates
were laid waste. Young Tekeli, on his arrival in
Transylvania, contrived to insinuate himself so far
into the good graces of Prince A baffi, as to prevail on
him to assist the malcontents in Hungary against
the vexations of the imperialists. A baffi sent for
tliis purpose an army of twelve thousand uten,
and appointed Tekeli commander in chief. In-
flamed with 'the desire of revenge, the youthful
general made a rapid progress. He penetrated into
Lower Hungary and laid siege to Gran. The
Turks, under the pretext of supporting the mal-
contents, likewise took the field. The war con-
tinued for some time, after which a truce was
concluded between the imperialists and malcontents.
Fresh misunderstandings arose; the Turks again
flew to arms, and promised Tekeli the sovereignty
of the principality of Transylvania, after the death
of A baffi, if he would recommence hostilities.
Tekeli, impelled as much by ambition as by
revenge, agreed to the proposal. The malcontents
on their part engaged to pay the Grand Signor
eighty thousand crowns a year, provided he would
send them powerful succours. The war was
renewed in August, 1681. Tekeli with his forces
joined the Turks, who overran all Hungary,
and at length proceeded to lay siege to Vienna.
On this occasion volunteers hastened from all parts
of Christendom to commence their military career in
the army under the Duke of Lorraine, who finding
himself too weak to oppose the infidels, had taken
a position near Vienna. Among these volunteers was
Prince Eugene of Savoy.

INTRODUCTION. XXXI

Having thus cond acted tbe prince to the point at
which he commences his memoirs, I should here
leave him to speak for himself, did not the very
brief and indeed unconnected manner in which he
has described the state of affairs on his entering into
tbe Austrian service, lead me to believe a concise
account of some of the events of the memorable
siege of Vienna, and the treatment experienced by
the hero, to whom its deliverance was principally
owing, would be acceptable to many of the readers
of this work.

Among the princes of Christendom, who, from
their vicinity to the theatre of operations, were most
alarmed at the rapid progress of the Turks, was
John Sobiesky, King of Poland. This monarch,
who had already proved himself a formidable foe to
the Infidels, had by treaty with the emperor engaged
to march in person with his whole army to his assist,
ance, in case of his being attacked by the Turks,
and Leopold, if occasion required, was to render the
same service to his Polish majesty. Agreeably to
this engagement, the latter sent an enroy to the
emperor, to inform him that he was ready to succour
him with all his forces. Leopold probably thought
the danger less imminent than it was, or had no wish
to bring into his dominions a king and army so
strong as the Polish. His imperial majesty therefore
received with coldness the obliging offers of his ally.
Piqued at this treatment, Sobiesky dispatched a
courier to France, to acquaint Lous XI V. that if
he would confer the ducal title on his father-in-law,
the Marquis of Arquien, he would not only refuse
assistance to the emperor, but would join his forces
to those of France to make any diversion he might
think fit in Germany.

Meanwhile tki grand vizir suddenly advanced to

XXX.11 INTRODUCTION.

Vienna. The Duke of Lorraine- judiciously retired
with his infantry to the Island of Schultz; and
Leopold precipitately left Vienna, in a manner
which very much resembled a disgraceful flight.
The ambassador from the emperor to his Polish
majesty and the papal nuncio then threw themselves
at Sobiesky's feet, and besought him to save the
empire and Christendom. The king gave them but
little hopes; the siege of Vienna was formed, and
there was no appearance of relief. At length his
courier returned from France, bringing nothing but
thanks for his offers, and a refusal of the favor which
he had solicited ; which so irritated Sobiesky, that
he immediately set out for Vienna, at the head of
fifteen thousand well appointed cavalry, and the
flower of (he Polish nobility. In a few days he
arrived on the heights of Closterberg, where he was
invested with the chief command of all the troops
destined to act against the Turks.

The king on the day of his arrival wont with the
principal leaders of the allied troops to reconnoitre
the grand vizir's camp, the Turkish army and the
works of the besiegers. Having looked at them for
a short time with his glass, he observed : — u The
fellow is badly encamped ; I know him well ; he is1
a presumptuous blockhead ; we shall get no honor
in this affair, the victory will be so easily gained.
Those rascals will not expect me." Then turning
to the Duke of Lorraine : " Sir," said he, u only
take the trouble to order two small pieces of cannon
to be to-morrow at day-break on the spot where we
stand, and depend upon it, you will see a pretty
bustle.'" His desire was complied with, and soon
after sun-rise he ordered one of them to fire upon the
great tent in the grand vizir's quarters. Taking his
glass, he said : " I seehim coming out of bis tent."
He ordered another shot to be fired in the same
direction. "Now," said the king, " I see him

INTRODUCTION. XXX1U

He then directed the firing (o be
kept up without intermission. " And now," said
he, "1 see him mounting his horse ; let us go down
without losing a moment." Having ordered the
cannon to continue playing, he put himself at the
head of his troops, and marched straightway to the
grand vizir's tents. The first guards of the Turks
made a tolerable resistance ; but the the grand vizir's
quarters, witli his tents and baggage, were abandoned.
In his tent was found a Pole, with his hands tied and
prepared for death. He was soon recognized to be
the Chevalier Trosky, his Polish majesty's envoy to
the Porte, whom the grand vizir had taken with him
to serve, he said, as an hostage for the conduct of his
master, having frequently declared that he would
order his head to be cut oif, if his countrymen took
the field. When the king with his glass saw him go
back into his tent, it was to give orders for the exe-
cution of the envoy, who was just going to be put to
death, when the firing of the cannon on the grand
vizir's quarters obliged him to quit them with preci-
pitation. The executioners seeing their master set
off, thought of nothing but escaping themselves, and
forsook the intended victim. It was also found that
the Turkish commander, before he mounted his
horse, had, with his own hand, cut off the head of
his favorite ostrich, which never left him, but slept
in his chamber, lest the animal should fall into the
hands of his enemies.

The troops defiling on the top of the hill sent word
to the king that they could see the Turkish army re-
treating in great haste, but in very good order. The
king pushed forward to the trenches and works of the
enemy, where he found nothing but a great quantity
of artillery, and almost all the baggage of the enemy
at his discretion. The first thing he did was to issue a
strict prohibition against plundering. Having posted

XXXIV INTRODUCTION.

some guards between the deserted camp and the
rear guard of the Turks, and taken great precaution
to prevent pillage, and to watch the march of the ene-
my, the prince proceeded towards the gate of the
city, whither Stahremberg, the governor, with an
astonishing multitude of people, went to meet him.
Amidst shouts of Long live Sobiesky ! Long live
our deliverer ! he rode, or rather was carried with
shouts of joy and praise to the great church of St.
Stephen, where he intended to alight to thank God
for a success so great, so glorious, and so advantage-
ous to Christendom.

The king advanced in the same manner, borne by
those who crowded about him to the foot of the high
alter, where he prostrated himself on the ground, and
remained for a considerable time in that attitude of re-
verence and humility. He then rose, and the acclama-
tions of the people and the flourishes of trumpets pro-
duced in the church a kind of military devotion, if any
thing more edifying by its confusion than by the ar-,
rangement of a Te Deum, which was intended to be
sung. The prince beheld so many eyes filled with
tears of joy fixed upon him, that he could not him-
self forbear bursting info tears. He afterwards ac-
knowledged, that he had been so overpowered, that
from this moment, not only while he was in the
church, but when he had again mounted his horse,
and was passing through the streets amidst shouts of
triumph ; nay, even for a considerable time after he
was out of the city, he was wholly unconscious of
every thing ; so totally was he absorbed by the feel-
ings excited by the excessive joy of the multitude on
account of their deliverance, that he was sensible of
nothing except that he was in such an extacy of plea-
sure as he had never before experienced.

The Turkish army was so strong that it was not

INTRODUCTION. XXXV

judged prudent to pursue it, till tlie necessary ar-
rangements should be made for following such a su-
perior force, and these were likely to take up some
days. The king, impatient of this delay, resolved
if possible to appropriate to himself and his nation,
the glory of the complete discomfiture of the enemy.
Early on the second morning after the siege was rais-
ed, he secretly quitted the camp of the allies, and
went with his troops in pursuit of the Mussulmans ;
but on this occasion his ambition got the better of his
prudence. He found the Turkish army ready to re-
ceive him ; he nevertheless commenced the attack iu
the plain of Barcan, near Gran, where his little army
was nearly surrounded by the immensely superior
force of the Turks, and he was obliged to make a
precipitate retreat, with the loss of three thousand of
his followers. As he approached the camp, he met
the Duke of Lorraine and all the German princes,
who, on discovering his departure, were taking a
ride along the same road to learn the event. Nobody
could be more candid than Sobiesky in the acknow-
ledgment of his faults. " Gentlemen," said the
king, addressing the princes and generals, " I have
been severely punish d for my imprudence ; I have
got soundly beaten. I wished, I confess, to deprive
you of any share in an action, all the glory of which
I coveted for myself and my nation. In a word, I
have drawn upon myself, and richly deserved, the
disaster that has befallen me." He perceived that his
defeat was by no means displeasing to those to whom
he was speaking. The more they pitied and excused,
him, the greater was his vexation. At length, on
reaching the grand vizir's tents, where he had fixed
his head-quarters : " Give me," said he, u my usaal
bed, only let me have a little fresh straw." During
his campaigns, this prince never used any other bed
than a Turkey carpet spread over a heap of straw
upon the ground. While his attendants were pre-
paring his straw, the Duke of Lorraine entered the
c2

XXX VI INTRODUCTION.

lent. u Can I be of any service (o your majesty Vf
said the duke. " Zounds! sir," exclaimed the
king, " are you come here to insult me ? Am I not
sufficiently punished, without having others to wit-
ness my disgrace and to ask me questions about it ?
Nothing is to be now thought of but revenge ; shall
we take it to-morrow ?'' The duke modestly
replied he did not think the army could be in
readiness to march so soon as the next day.
"When then?" enquired the king. "This
is Thursday,'' replied the duke, " and I think your
majesty will not be able to inarch before Saturday.''
" Let it be Saturday then,'' said the king; " give
your orders, and let me sleep till Saturday morning.
I will not see any body; I want rest, and nothing
can give me consolation but the defeat of our enemies,
which God is preparing for us."

The king accordingly saw nobody belonging to
the imperial army till day-break on .Saturday, when
the army began its march. His Polish Majesty was
at the head of the right wing ; the Elector of Bavaria
commanded the centre, and the Duke of Lorraine the
left. When witliin sight of the Turks, the army
formed in order of battle. The enemy were defeated.
The grand vizir, with a view to save part of his
force, ordered it to cross a bridge between the little
town of Barcan and Gran, which is on the other
side of the Danube. From the pressure and confu-
sion which ensued the bridge broke down ; a pro-
digious number of the Turks were drowned, and all
those who remained on the other side of the bridge
were killed or made prisoners. On this occasion
Sobiesky exhibited signal proofs of valour and ge-
neralship; the Elector of Bavaria, though very
young, highly distinguished himself, and the Duke
of Lorraine contributed greatly to the success by his
courage and conduct. Almost all the baggage of the
Turks fell into the hands of the conquerors.

INTRODUCTION. XXXVU

Meanwhile the emperor quietly returned from
Linzto his capital; and as though he had himself
shared in the efforts made for his service, he con-
ceived such a jealousy of the glory acquired by others
that he would scarcely see the King of Poland, his
deliverer. The Duke of Lorraine wished his im-
perial majesty to go to meet Sobiesky, to embrace
and thank him. The emperor made difficulties
because there was no precedent of any elective mo-
narch having an interview with the emperor. The
duke did all that lay in his power to overcome
these difficulties, of which he was ashamed, and was
anxious that, after so important a service, the King
of Poland should at least return home satisfied with
the emperor. His efforts were unavailing, and it
was at length agreed that the interview should take
place in the camp, so that when they met, each
should be on the right hand side of the other.

The king of Poland was armed ; he wore a Polish
cap, with a beautiful egret, beside which hung a
large pearl. He rode one of the finest horses in the
world, magnificently accoutred. With the air of a
conqueror this prince met the emperor, who, meanly
dressed, and miserably mounted, scarcely took off his
hat, never had the courage to thank the King of Po-
land, to express the smallest degree of gratitude, or
to jay him a single compliment ; for the little that
he did say to him, related to the services which the
Poles had always received from the friendship and
protection of the emperors. At length this most
ungracious interview ended with these words, which
Sobiesky at parting addressed to the emperor : —
** My brother, 1 am very glad that I have rendered
you this service.'' He then turned his horse to de-
part, but seeing his eldest son, Prince James, who had
not paid his respects to the emperor, he returned and
presented the youth, who alighted and saluted his im-
perial majesty. Leopold scarcely raised his hand to

XXXV1U INTRODUCTION.

his hat without taking it off, gave a slight md, and
spoke not a word, though the Polish monarch oh*
served that he was a young prince whom he wad
bringing up for Christendom. This opportunity
of presenting his son likewise furnished an occasion
for presenting at the same time some of the princi-
pal Palatines. One of them having alighted and
kissed the emperor's boot, Sobiesky rode up, and
giving him a slight stroke over the shoulders with his
whip, said to him : " Mr. Palatine, no meannesses !"
Then leaving the emperor, he proceeded to his quar-
ters, and next day set out on his return home. In
every place through which he passed on his march
he met with nothing but ingratitude, and was even
obliged to use force to procure provisions. Instead
of receiving those attentions which might naturally
have been expected from the imperial court, the
latter had issued orders to all the officers in the line
of his route to make the Polish monarch pay for
every thing that he should be supplied with. He
even learned with indignation that the wounded Poles
whom lie had left at Vienna to be taken care of,
were turned out of the city without relief. A hun-
dred times did he afterwards repeat to the French
ambassadors and others of that nation : " I appear
just what I am. Every body knows that I am fond
of money. Had a little been given me, I would have
placed the imperial crown on the head of his most
christian majesty. " Though fate decreed otherwise,
yet it must be admitted that no juncture could have
been more favorable to the accomplishment of such
a design.

Having thus given a brief account of the impor-
tant event with which these memoirs open, I shall
trespass no farther upon the patience of the reader,
but leave the illustrious author to speak for himself.

XXXIX

PREFACE
OF PRINCE EUGENE.

There are,, as I have been told, several
Italian and German manuscripts concerning
me, which 1 have neither read nor written.
A flatterer, whose name is Dumont, has
printed a large folio volume, which is en-
titled : My Battles. This gentleman is ex-
tremely bombastic ; he panegyrises me at the
expence of Turenne, who according to him
would have been taken at Cremona in 1702,
or killed at Hochstett in 1704, if he had been
opposed to me. What stupid stuff !

Some historians, good or bad, will take the
trouble to enter into the details of my youth,
of which I scarcely remember any thing.
They will not fail to speak of my mother, a
little too intriguing to be sure, driven from
the court, exiled from Paris, and suspected, I
believe, of witchcraft, by people who were
no great conjurors. They will tell how I was
born in France, and how I left it burning

xl author's preface.

with fury against Louis XIV. who had re-
fused me a company of cavalry, because, he
said, I had too weak a constitution ; and an
abbey, because I pretended (on I know not what
stories respecting me current in the gallery of
Versailles), that I was fitter for pleasure than
for the church. No Huguenot expelled by
the revocation of the edict of Nantes ever
cherished a stronger hatred against him.
When therefore Louvois, on hearing of my
departure, said : ss So much the better, he
will not return to this country again," I
vowed that I never would, except as a con-
quering enemy, and I kept my word.

I have entered it on more sides than one ;
and it was not my fault that I did not pene-
trate farther. But for the English, I should
have given law in the capital of the grand
monarque, and shut up his Maintenon in a
convent for life.

MEMOIRS

OF

PRINCE EUGENE

168&

Never was the court so dull as this year,
I did wisely to leave it. This was the period
of Louis the Fourteenth's devotion, occasioned
by the loss of his two sons, the Comte de
VexuTand the Due de Vermandois, Colbert,
and the Queen.

His most Christian Majesty, who, previous
to his being so religious, assisted the Christians
in 1664 against the infidels, having now be-
come eminently pious, excited thstn against.

•n -

18 MEMOIRS 6F

the emperor, and encouraged the Hungarian
rebels. But for him, neither the one nor the
other would have advanced to the gates of
Vienna. That he might not appear to coun-
tenance them, he durst not absolutely forbid
the young princes of the blood to go and sig-
nalize themselves in this war. I went with
thenr, weary of being called the little Abbe
of Louis the Fourteenth. He was very fond
of me. It was, perhaps, from motives of
conscience that he had refused me the abbey.
I was not desirous of shining either in the
church or at court: I was perfectly satisfied
with my reception in society ; but I wished
to distinguish myself in war. Accordingly, at
twenty I was in the service of Leopold the
First, who knew nothing of the matter. He
had fled from his capital, both at the siege
and at the battle of Vienna. I thought at
first sight that I should learn my business
better about the person of the Duke of Lor-
raine, and Prince Louis of Baden, than with
the two electors of Bavaria and Saxony.
Both the former led me many a dance from
one attack to another, and sent rae with or-
ders into the hottest places.

PRINCE EUGENE. 19

The Duke of Lorraine, I was told, em-
ployed none but generals, in battle, to carry
or even to change an order, if necessary. I
was sensible of this honor, and he appeared
satisfied with me. The confusion of that day
can be but confusedly described. Sobiesky
attended mass, with his arms crossed in the
church of Leopoldsberg. The Poles who
had clambered up thither, I know not why,
went down again like madmen, and fought
like lions. The Turks, encamped on the spot
where I threw lines up in 1703, not know-
ing which way to front, having neglected the
eminences, behaved like idiots.

The emperor returned; I was presented to
him. Not being yet familiarized with Ger-
man manners, I was much amused with his
haughty interview with the King of Poland.
As a volunteer, I was one of the foremost in
the pursuit of the Turks.

We lost no time ; and KufFstein being dead,

I was rewarded with his regiment of dragoons

on the 11th of December. Three months, to

a day, after that signal victory, I was the hap-

k2

20 MEMOIRS OF

piest of men, and was serving under the Duke
of Lorraine.

1684.

Having with him taken Vicegrad, Gran,
and Weitzen, and fought a glorious battle
near the latter place, we had a still more im-
portant engagement near the Island of St. An-
drew. It is said that I made a very fine
manoeuvre at the head of my regiment, and
that this put the Turks to the rout. They
were cut to pieces without mercy. The Duke
of Lorraine had secured his centre by a mo-
rass, his left by the Danube, his right by an
impassable mountain.

We now laid siege to Buda. Many de-
structive sallies were made by eighteen thou-
sand men : twelve thousand arrived, and waited
for the coming up of twice or thrice that num-
ber to attack us. The Duke made haste to
beat them, and had the goodness'to write to
the emperor that I had contributed most to
the victory. Prince Louis of Baden was
ready to eat me with caresses.

PRINCE EUGENE. 21

The siege was pushed with vigor; visiting
the trenches by the side of the Prince of Salm.
I there received my first wound from a ball
through my arm.

It was thought that a favorable moment for
a general assault had arrived ; it proved un-
successful. The assailants were repulsed in
every attack. Some altercation or other took
place among the principal generals. This is
often occasioned by the persons about them.
Scandal finds its way into head-quarters as
well as into ordinary society. At length,
having lost thirty thousand men, the Duke of
Lorraine raised the siege on the 1st of No-
vember.

At Vienna this furnished occasion for many
animadversions and many absurdities. One
supposed that our failure proceeded from the
want of good engineers. No, said another,
'tis owing to the malice of Guido Stahren-
berg, against whose advice the siege was
undertaken. A third asserted that it was the
result of the mismanagement of the commis-
sariat, or of the ministers in withholding

22 MEMOIRS OF

supplies of all necessaries from the besiegers,,
with a view to diminish the influence of the
Duke of Lorraine, of whom they were jea-
lous. For my part, being yet a very insig-
nificant person, and for that very reason in
favor with every body (which is no uncom-
mon thing when one is very young), I re-
tained the friendship of my two masters,
Lorraine and Baden, though the latter fell
out with the former, seconded by the elector,
who was equally attached to me ; and I went
to spend the winter at Vienna, where 1 ex-
perienced the most flattering reception.

1685.

The marriage of an archduchess with the
Elector of Bavaria retarded the opening of
the campaign. A pretty reason, truly! The
Duke of Lorraine went to reconnoitre Novi-
grad. The princes of the blood of France
and Lorraine, and the volunteers of their re-
tinue, arriving from Paris, joined the escort.
Armed with their pistols, they provoked the
spahis, and some French heads were cut oflf

PRINCE EUGENE. 23

by Turkish sabres. I rescued the others with
my dragoons, whom I brought up just at the
right time. Delighted with finding myself
again in the company of all these young
people,, who were my old friends, and too
young myself to scold, I found no fault with
them, but the Duke of Lorraine took that
upon himself. He reprehended them severely,
at the same time approving in his heart the
ardent and impetuous courage of his cousins,
Commerci, and Thomas de Vaudemont, who
afterwards served under me with such dis-
tinction.

The trenches had been opened a month
before Neuhausel ; and just when an assault
was about to be made on the covered way,
we received intelligence that a seraskier had
arrived with sixty thousand men, that he had
retaken Vicegrad and besieged Gran. We
marched thither, and he raised the siege on
the approach of the Duke of Lorraine, who
had left Caprara before Neuhausel. But
observe what now happened.

The seraskier thought fit to take an ex-

24 MEMOIRS OF

cellent position. The duke contrived to ac-
quaint him, by means of the country-people,
that he had only twenty thousand men, and
was retreating ready to die of fear. The
honest Turk believed it. The duke halted
in an amazingly strong position. I was in the
centre, under the Prince of Baden, with my
dismounted dragoons. The Elector of Ba-
varia commanded the right, in front of which
the brave, hot-headed young fellows whom
I have mentioned obtained permission, with
some difficulty, to form a little squadron.
They anticipated the Turks, who attacked them
with prodigious fury and terrific shouts ; but
they were surrounded : our cuirassiers relieved
them. The duke supported them himself, and
was victorious with his wing, as was also the
Elector of Bavaria with his, and Prince
Louis in the centre, where I seconded him to
the utmost of my ability. The Prince of
Hanover, and the Count of Lippe, pushed the
Turks into a morass. There were three or
four great battles in one. The seraskier re-
ceived a wound in the thigh ; he plucked up
his beard by the roots, because he was obliged
to fly.

PRINCE EUGENE. 25

We were again before Neuhausel on the
19th of August. A breach was made. Com-
merci, followed by the young volunteers, was
the first to mount the walls; and with the
Baron d'Asti" hoisted upon them the imperial
colors. The pacha and the garrison were put
to the sword. The seraskier burned and der-
molished Novigrad, Vicegrad, and Weitzen ;
and as for me, I set off to spend the winter at

Vienna.

♦

1680.

It was on this occasion that the Prince of
Baden, taking me by the hand, said to the
emperor : " Here, sire, is a young Savoyard
....*' Modesty forbids me to repeat the rest.
The mismanagement of the last year was a
warning for the present : we were admirably
supplied. The 13th of June the Prince of
Baden and I began the siege under the Elector
of Bavaria. All three joined in an assault
upon an important tower, of which we made
ourselves masters.

From this tower, on the 26th of July, we

26 MEMOIRS OF

battered the castle of Buda in breach : we fully
expected to gain possession of it, but were dis-
appointed. Thirty thousand Turks made a
sally. I had a horse killed under me. Twice
we penetrated, sword in hand, into the castle,
and twice we were repulsed. Prince Louis and
myself were wounded. A Stahrenberg, a Her-
berstein, and a Kaunitz were killed ; and we
were obliged to defer the general assault till
another day. Unluckily I was not at it, being
ordered to guard the lines, which were threat-
ened by a numerous army ; a charge of con-
sequence, indeed, as I was told. But the
accursed Grand Vizir, quiet on a height, not
daring to attack me, I know not why, saw with
more coolness than myself this most important
place taken and plundered before his face.

Prince Louis and I went, by the command
of the Duke of Bavaria, and took Funfkirchen,
Calveza, Simonthorna, Kaposwar, and Sick-
los ; and afterwards burned the bridge at Es-
seck, which was six thousand paces in length,
and twenty- four in breadth. The army then
t©ok up its quarters for the winter.

PRINCE EUGENE. %7

I went to spend the carnival at Venice with
my dear volunteers and French prioces, and so
did almost all the other princes in our army,
and a great number of generals.

There almost all of them fell in love; the
Duke of Mantua did still worse, for he was
quite a libertine ; I was neither the one nor
the other, and was highly diverted at seeing
that prince as brave with the Venetians as he
was cowardly with the Turks.

The Elector of Bavaria was so tender, that
he would have disgusted me of being so, had
I been ever so well inclined. The ease with
which his heart was affected communicated a
fickleness to his mind, in regard to his opinions
and resolutions ; and from that time I consi-
dered (as I have since found with justice)
great intrigues as insipid, ridiculous, and cal-
culated for idlers, and little ones as far from
reputable.

Morosini entertained us wonderfully well.
We had, every day, charming and magnificent
fetes, on shore or at sea* On these occasion*

28 MEMOIRS OF

1 saw women more enterprising then generals.
As all things have an end, I went to pass the
rest of the winter at Vienna.

1687.

It was at this time that the Duke of Lor-
raine crushed the enemies of Jesus Christ and
his own, in the army and at court, in which
number I was not, though in high favor with
the Elector and Prince Louis, who belonged
to that party. The duke marched to attack
the Grand Vizir : his prudence was equal to
liis valor: he had recourse to the one as
well as the other. Having advanced too far,
considering the excellent position of the Turks
( for they entrench themselves in an astonishing
manner as soon as they arrive), he was not
ashamed to retreat. This is a ticklish business
with such devilish fellows. I covered with my
dragoons the march of the rear ; and preserved
it from injury by charging, several times, the
spahis who annoyed me. After some time the
affair became more serious. Ligneville, Thun-
gen, and Zinzendorff were killed. The Duke

PRINCE EUGENE. 29

of Lorraine drew up fortunately and skilfully,
with his wings well supported> near Mount
Hersan. The Duke of Mantua,, who clambered
up it, beheld in safety the whole engagement
in the same plain of Mohatz where King
Louis had perished. This excited the general
laughter of the soldiers, who, thanks to him,
ran merrily to meet death. The enemy ad-
vanced to attack us : both sides fought with
fury. Piocolomini, being almost beaten, was
supported by the brave elector. His artillery
did execution : my dragoons took advantage
of it, and I had the happiness to pursue the
Turks to the entrenched camp. Having stop-
ped a moment to survey them, I ordered my
dragoons to leap into it; some on foot, the
others on horseback with me. It is said that
I was the first :> it is true that I took a cres-
cent there, and planted the imperial eagle*
This was probably the reason that I was dis-
patched with the news of this victory to the
emperor. He gave me his portrait surrounded
with diamonds. I had reached Vienna in a
very few days; after spending three there, I
returned in a very few more to the army, where
I was also extremely well received ; fpr at that

30 MEMOIRS OF

time, apparently, I had too little merit to have
enemies.

History, I hope, will record the glorious
conduct of Commerci at the battle of Hersan.
Nothing of consequence afterwards occurred ;
and the campaign being quite over, I found a
very brilliant winter at Vienna, on account of
the coronation of the King of Hungary. The
Duke of Lorraine, and several other generals,
also repaired thither. Some intrigued, others
amused themselves : I was among the latter.

1688.

A colonel at twenty, and major-general at
twenty-one, I was made lieutenant-general at
twenty-five. I conducted a reinforcement to
the Prince of Baden in Sclavonia, and re-
turned with great expedition, because it was
intended to besiege, or rather to storm Bel-
grade. The command of the five points of
assault, on the 6th of September, was given
to other generals. I complained of this : —
tf You shall remain with me in reserve/' re-

PRINCE EUGENE. 31

plied the elector ; " and in this I think I am
neither taking nor giving; you a bad commis-
sion. God knows what may happen \" He
had guessed the result : all the assailants were
repulsed. Sword in hand this brave prince
and myself rallied and cheered them : I
mounted the breach ; a Janissary cleft mj
helmet with a stroke of a sabre ; I ran my
sword through his body ; and the elector, who
had the preceding year received a musket-
ball in the hand, was again wounded with an
arrow in the right cheek. Nothing could be
more brilliant or more sanguinary. How
strangely one may find amusement amidst
scenes of the greatest horror ! I shall never
forget the appearance and grimaces of the
Jews, who were compelled to throw into the
Danube the bodies of twelve thousand men,
killed on both sides, to spare the trouble and
expence of burying them. I set out for
Vienna.

1689.

Deeply did I regret not having remained
with the army; then, perhaps, people would

32 MEMOIRS OF

not have thought of me or of my name. At
length, after the finest defence in the world,
I sacrificed my glory to my zeal — a sacrifice
not a little painful. My three superior offi-
cers, masters, and friends, Lorraine and Bava-
ria, were gathering laurels in the empire, and
Baden in Hungary, while I was sent to Italy as
a negociator. The French ambassador at Tu-
rin was not the dupe of my journey, under-
taken, as it was given out, to see my family
and the Duke of Savoy. He knew him, as well
as I did, to be sordid, ambitious, deceitful,
implacable, fearing and detesting Louis the
Fourteenth, not attached to Leopold, but not
bearing any personal enmity to him ; always
ready to betray both, and led away by his
mistresses and his ministers in any thing that
was not connected with political affairs.

Being unable, for this reason, to accomplish
my purpose by means of either, I addressed him
frankly as follows : — " Cousin, you will al-
ways be the slave of your mortal enemy, if you
do not declare for the emperor, who will confer
on you the rank of royal highness and gene-
ralissimo; and give you whatever you conquer

PRINCE EUGENE. 33

in Dauphiue and Provence ; and while you
keep your intentions secret till every thing is
ready, you may take your side."

This, indeed, was working upon him by
means of the four predominant qualities which
I have underlined above.

(f When and where shall I conclude this
treaty?" said Victor Amedasus. (C Not at
Turin, for the French ambassador would have
suspicion of it." — " At Venice/' I replied.
" The ensuing carnival, the Elector of Bava-
ria, who, like your royal highness ( I began to
give him this title without delay), is fond of
amusement, will meet you there to sign it.
This I answer for ; and from this time I trust
to you to write to the King of France, to em-
ploy evasions and excuses, to promise and to
gain time."

The four motives of all his measures which
I have mentioned, assuring me of his conduct,
but not his good faith, which I did not gua-
rantee for any length of time, I gave my word
to the^ emperor, on my speedy return to Vi-

c

54 MEMOIRS OF

cnna, that this time my cousin would he on
our side. Leopold thanked me much,, and re-
warded me with permission to go and see the
conclusion of the siege of Mentz, defended by
D'Uxelles, which had then lasted six weeks. I
arrived just in time for the attack of the co~
vered way, where I received a musket-ball,
and returned to Vienna.

1690.

- Twent v thousand crowns a month from Eng-
land, twenty thousand more from Holland,
four millions for the expenc es of the war, a
kind of subscription among all the petty
princes of Italy, had more effect than my elo-
quence, and converted the Duke of Savoy, for
tome time, into the staunchest Austrian in the
world. His conduct, which I shall not at-
tempt to justify, reminds me of that formerly
pursued by the Dukes of Lorraine, as well as
the Dukes of Bavaria. Their geogi aphy pre-
vents them from being men of honor.

The emperor's ministers promised me seven

PRINCE EUGENE. 35

thousand men to go to the assistance of Victor
Amedaeus. I knew with what tardiness orders
are given and executed at Vienna; and eager to
engage the French, whom I had never jet seen
opposed to me, I went to join the Duke of Savoy
in his camp at Villa Franca. " You are just in
time/* said he ; " I am going to give battle
to Catinat." — iC Be cautious what you do/'
said I ; " he is an excellent general, and com-
mands the old troops, the flower of the French
army ; your's are new levies, and mine have
not yet come up." — u What signifies that?"
rejoined the duke. " I know the country bet-
ter than Catinat : to-morrow I shall advance
with my army to the Abbey of Staffarde."

Instead of making the attack, we had to sus-
tain it. The right wing, under the Duke of
Savoy, was attacked in front : that of the
French crossed morasses which were believed
to be impassable, and having turned and beaten
ours, both their wings united and fell upon our
left, where I commanded. I made my retrea^
in as good order as I could, and in my rear-
guard, composed of gendarmes and the life-
guards of Savoy, I was slightly wounded by a
c 2

36 MEMOIRS OF

spent ball. I did not chuse to remind my dear
cousin of his presumption or my prediction ;
but I endeavoured to retrieve matters a little,
at least, in regard to glory : for some time af-
terwards I had the good fortune to intercept a
large detachment whiclrhad pillaged Tivoli.
It fell into an ambuscade, from which, hear-
ing the French coming, and singing to the
utmost stretch of their throats, I sallied
cut and cut them to pieces. I scolded my sol-
diers severely for treating all the prisoners
a la turque. They had forgotten that it is
usual to give quarter to Christians. I pro-
ceeded to chastise my old acquaintance the
Duke of Mantua, the hero of Hersan, who
had formed new connections. I then took my
leave of the Duke of Savoy, who had lost every
thing but Turin, and set out for Vienna,

1691.

I availed myself of my influence to conduct
reinforcements to the Duke of Savoy : but on
my arrival I surprised him giving a secret audi-
ence to a French emissary. " Why was I denied

PRINCE EUGENE. 37

admission ?" said I to him as I entered. "Who
is that man f "•— " I acknowledge/' said the
duke, quite disconcerted, " that I am negoci-
ating a little, by means of him, with Catinat :
but it is with a view to deceive him the bet-
ter, There/* added he, " is his letter, and co-
pies of mine." — " I imagine/' said I, " that
you nevertheless intend to retain the consider-
able subsidies which I procured for you. 'Tis
very embarrassing for your royal highness/' I
watched him more narrowly than ever, well
knowing whom I had to deal with. I saved
his honor for this time, and contributed to
his glory at the expence of his plans, by trick-
ing Balonde, who was besieging Coni, and
who, in consequence of a letter, which, as I
foresaw, would be intercepted by some French
party or other, raised the siege. Catinat re-
crossed the Po. I charged his rear : he was
there in person, and performed prodigies, both
as a general and a soldier. I had but a few
squadrons with me. Catinat, who was stronger
than I, animated his men by his presence. I
suffered my ardour to get the better of my
judgment ; and pushed forward so far into the

SB MEMOIRS OF

combat, (hat after receiving several ball*
through my clothes, a French horse-soldier
was going- to blow out my brains with a
pistol, when he was dispatched by a dragoon
of my regiment, who was as highly pleased as
myself, for I was much beloved by those brave
fellows. Reinforcements poured in to us from
all sides ; I went and took Carmagnole, where
all my soldiers again behaved rather too much
d la turque : but I made some examples.
Catinat manoeuvred most wonderfully; he
would have beaten us, had we not retreated.
Langallerie even gained an important advan-
tage over our rear, and it was this that after-
wards induced me to take him into the service
of the emperor.

I accompanied the Elector of Bavaria, who
had also been on our side in this campaign, to
Venice, and again beheld with pleasure my
old acquaintances. More amours, and for
me too, had I been so inclined, husbands but
too complaisant, who wished me to procure
the dismission of cicisbeos, whom they dis-
liked; too many Potiphars, to whom I acted

PRINCE EUGENE. 33

the part of Joseph., because I liad other
matters to attend to. At the beginning of
January I returned to Vienna.

1692.

I was very soon sent back to watch the
motions of my Catinat, but more especially
those of the Duke of Savoy. To keep him
steady, I carried him the appointment of
generalissimo, with which he was highly
pleased. He would have marched immedi-
ately to attack Catinat, under Pignerol : all
his generals and those of his allies acquiesced
in this intention, but I was far from approving
it. t( Catinat is a skilful commander/' said
I to him. " If he is beaten, he will have
reinforcements ; if he beats us again, farewel
to Italy. Let us oblige him to give up his
conquests by a good diversion, which will
humble the great Louis; let us amuse him
in this country, and penetrate into Dauphine
in spite of all the obstacles of the passes.0

My opinion prevailed : I went and took
Quillestre and Embrun: there I received a

*0 MEMOIRS OF

contusion on the shoulder, in the trenches by
the side of the Duke of Savoy ; and Commerci
a ball which knocked out three of his teeth.
There too I lost Leganes and fifteen hundred
men; but at length I was in France. I
then made myself master of Gap, and the
Duke of Savoy would have marched by way
of Si3teron to Aix, and perhaps to Lyons,
without the least difficulty, but for the
small-pox, which saved France and reduced
him to the brink of the grave. By his will
he appointed me regent of his dominions. The
duchess on her arrival finding him not so ill
as he had been, carried him with her to Turin.
Stopped by this unlucky accident, which
caused us to lose a great deal of time, and by
the perplexity of his generals, who, not being
exactly acquainted with their master's real
intentions, knew not how far they ought to
obey me; I was obliged to lead back the
army by the same road, for Catinat was wait-
ing for us near Brianc^on.

" At least," said our soldiers, " we have
revenged the atrocities of the French in the
Palatinate, without doing it in their way ; we

PRINCE EUGENE. 41

have plundered prettj handsomely, and raised
a million in contributions." There were
cuirassiers who staked twenty louis oa a
card.

Ci Why did the king banish my mother ?"
said 1 to CommercL: " I have been expelling
from their homes several thousands of his
subjects." The order of the Golden Fleece
was sent to me at Turin ; and on my arrival
at Vjenna, I was made field marshal, ten
years after my entrance into the service. I
was delighted, as may easily be conceived, but.
grieved that Commerci was still but a major-
general.

1603.

Victor Amedaeus designed to take Pignerol,
and wait for Catinat in the plain of Orbassan.
1 dissuaded him from this plan. " At least/'
said I, " since you intend to fight near La
Marsaille, make yourself master of the height
of Piosasque." He was exasperated at the
burning by way of retaliation of La Venerie,

42 MEMOIRS OF

a seat of his own, and another belonging to his
minister St. Thomas, and sent a message to
the French, that he would no longer give
quarter to their soldiers. This point was
already but too well settled.

Catinat displayed on that day all his talents,
and the Duke of Savoy his usual valor. The
former, in possession of the height, had every
advantage over both our wings, cut up, at the
same time, in flank by liis artillery. What
could I do in the centre ? I fought success-
fully enough for some time, but overwhelmed
on cither side, I retreated as honorably as I
could. Catinat disapproved of the fury of
his troops, who cried out : " Let us too treat
the Germans d la tartar e."

It was impossible to determine whether
this unaccountable duke wished or did not
wish to gain the battles which he fought; but
these two were a warning to me ; and as it
was known that I had advised him against
them, I was on that account not the less in
favor with the array, the city, and the court
It was then, however, that I began to perceive

FRLVCE EUGENE. 43

that I had enemies. Caprara was the first ;
he was jealous of me without occasion, for
he possessed merit. He was at the head of
the Austrian aqd Spanish cabal, which strove
to torment me all my life, but which I always
laughed at.

1694.

I went to Vienna to solicit reinforcements.
I obtained them, but very late. Italy had
ceased to be a la mode. Turkey, the empire,
and the Low Countries, were more thought of.
The ministers had no money : I returned to
the Duke of Savoy, and said to him on my
arrival :-— '■ You cannot give me the slip this
campaign at least,' cousin : the siege of Casai
shall be the pledge of your conduct : if you
have no objection, let us begin it immediately."
fC 'Tis indeed what I wish/' replied he, " but
it will be very long ; in my opinion it will be
better to blockade that fortress the whole
winter, that we may reduce it in spring, M " At
least," said I, (C let us take the Castle of St.
George," and accordingly it was taken. What

44 MEMOIRS OF

a dull campaign ! and what a strange man
was my cousin !

1605.

I obliged him at length to form the siege.
The snow forced us to abandon it till the end
of June: I pushed it on briskly when I was
in the trenches. Prince Charles of Branden-
burg, relieving me there one day, received a
musket-ball through his body. Crenon at
length capitulated, and I would have laid
siege to Pignerol. Every day new pretexts
were made to oppose it, under the appearance
of agreeing to the measure: we went into
winter quarters. What a dull campaign !
and what a strange man was my cousin !

1606.

He lost no time. To get away from the spies
upon his conduct, whom I had left at Turin,
thinking the carnival of Venice likely to
excite suspicion, he contrived a journey t©

PRINCE EUGENE. 45

our lady of Loretto. It was, he said, in
performance of a vow which he had made in
the small-pox. Knowing the pilgrim to be
any thing rather than.devout, I soon discovered
that he had there met the agents of the pope,
the Venetians? and the French, and I learned
the conditions of the treaty. " I have already
told you/' said I, to him, on his return to
Turin, " that I watched you more closely
than Catinat : you will not deceive me again/ '
(C 'Tis hard," replied he, " to be suspected by
a relation." Scarcely had I left his closet,
when I was informed of the publication of his
truce with the French; and determined not to
do him the honor of speaking to him again,
I expressed my indignation in the severest
letter I ever wrote in my life. Commerci,
more hot-headed, sent him a challenge : the
duke had accepted it, and was going to the
place appointed for the meeting, but was pre-
vented by his ministers and generals.

He now threw off all restraint: He acknow-
ledged that without wishing to be at war with
any body, and desirous of putting an end to
hostilities in Italy, he had concluded a treaty

46 MEMOIRS OF

of neutrality with Louis XIV. and that since
the allies refused to accede to it, he would
join the French. Catinat and the Duke of
Savoy began operations by laying siege to
Valence. The generals of the allies and
myself, finding, after this junction,, that we
were too weak to resist, and fearing for the
Milanese, accepted the neutrality ; and each,
after evacuating Italy, returned either to
Germany, or to wait for the French on the
other side of the mountains.

Disappointed in the field and in negociation,
I returned to Vienna, to acquaint the emperor
with my melancholy situation, and that of our
affairs. He observed that I had nothing to
reproach myself with, and as a proof of his
sincerity, he gave me the command of his
army in Hungary; " For the rest, sire," said
I, " since I still have Italy at heart, the only
way to have the Duke of Savoy on our side
is for him to declare against us. He will
behave in the same manner to the French,
and in a short time come over to us again."

Louis XIV. supposing perhaps that I was

PiUNCE EUGENE. 47

discontented, or that others were dissatisfied
with me, sent me a proposal to pass into his
service. I gave a pretty reception to the
person commissioned to speak to me on the
subject, and who, I am sure, durst not transmit
to him my answer such as it was.

1007.

The Turks are never in a hurry. The
grand signor, Kara Muslapha, himself did me
the honor to arrive at Sophia, with his army
in the month of July. I collected mine at
Verismarton ; I called in Vaudemont and
Rabutin, as it appeared to me to be the grand
signor's design to make himself master of
Titul, that he might be able to lay siege to
Peterwaradin. I encamped on the 26th of
August at Zenta. General Nehm was at-
tacked. I arrived too late to his assistance,
but nevertheless praised him, for he could not
have held out any longer, overwhelmed as he
was by numbers. God be thanked, 1 never
complained of any one, neither did I ever

48 MEMOIRS OF

throw upon another the blame of a fault or
misfortune. Titul was burned. The grand
vizir remained on this side of the Danube,
which it was necessary for the grand signor
to cross before he could lay siege to Peterwa-
radin ; but marching along the bank of the
river, and concealing my intention by my
skirmishes with the spahis, I got before him,
passed the bridge, and thus saved the place.
This march, I must own, was well conducted,
and equivalent to a victory. I entrenched myself
with great dispatch, and the enemy durst
not attack me. Among some prisoners whom
we took, there happened to be a pacha, whom
I questioned in vain respecting the designs of
Kara Mustapha ; but four hussars, with
drawn sabres, ready to cut him in pieces, ex-
torted the confession that the enemy at first
intended to make an attempt on Segedin ; but
that the grand signor having afterwards
changed his mind, had already begun to cross
the Teisse ; and that great part of the army
under the command of the grand v'vi'w was
still in good entrenchments near Zenta. I was
marching to attack them, when a cursed

PRINCE EUGENE. 49

Courier brought me an order from the empe-
ror, not to give battle under any circumstance
whatever.

I had already advanced too far. By stop-
ping where I was, I should have lost part of my
army, and my honor. 1 put the letter in my
pocket, and, at the head of six regiments of
dragoons, approached so near to the Turks,
as to perceive that they were all preparing to
pass the Teisse. I rejoined my army with a
look of satisfaction, which, I was told, was
considered a good omen by the soldiers. I be-
gan the engagement by charging in person two
thousand spahis, whom I forced to return to
their entrenchments. A hundred pieces of
cannon annoyed me greatly. I sent orders to
Rabutin to advance his left wing so as to form
a curve with it towards the right : and to
Stahrenberg, who commanded the right, to do
the same towards the left, with a view to take
in the whole entrenchment by a semicircle.
This I could not have ventured to do before
Catinat, who would have interrupted me in
so slow and so complicated a movement. The
Turks, however, gave me no molestation.

D

50 MEMOIRS OF

They attacked my left wing too late ; yet
they would have handled it roughly, but for
four battalions of the second line, and the
artillery, which I sent very opportunely to
repel their cavalry, and make a breach in the
entrenchments. It was six in the evening.
The Turks, assaulted, and their entrench-
ments forced in all points, hurried in crowds
to the bridge and choaked it up, so that they
were obliged to throw themselves into the
Teisse, where those who escaped drowning
were killed. On every side was heard the
cry of Aman ! Aman ! which signifies Quar-
ter ! At ten at night, the slaughter still con-
tinued ; I could not take more than four thou-
sand prisoners, for twenty thousand were left
dead on the field, and ten thousand were drown-
ed. I did not lose a thousand men. Those
alone who first betook themselves to flight at
the commencement of the battle, rejoined the
corps which had remained on the opposite side
of the river. (21) It was the 1 1th of September:
I sent Vaudemont (22) with the account of this
affair to Vienna. I then went and took two forts
and two castles in Bosnia, burned Scraio, (23)
and returned to Hungary into winter quarters.

PRINCE EUGENE. 51

I set out for Vienna, where I expected to
be received a hundred times better than I
had ever yet been. Leopold gave me the
coldest of audiences ; more dry than ever,
he listened to me without saying a word.
I instantly perceived that somebody or other
had been at work during my absence, and
that while I was ridding myself of the
Turks, some good Christians at Vienna had
been trying to get rid of me. I went away
from the audience with a feeling of indig-
nation, which grew still stronger when
Schlick, (24)in great consternation, came and
demanded my sword. I delivered it into his
trembling hand with a look of the profound-
cst disdain, which served to increase his
dismay. It was reported that I said : ee Take
it, yet reeking with the blood of enemies ;
I have no wish to resume it, except for the
benefit of his majesty's service." One half
of this sentence would have been a gascon-
ade, and the other a mean resignation. My
rage was silent. I was put under arrest in
my hotel. Here I was soon informed that
Gaspard Kinsky, and some others, wished
me to be brought to trial for disobedience

52 MEMOIRS OF

and rashness, and that I was to be tried by
a court-martial, by which I should proba-
bly be sentenced to die. This report was
soon circulated through the whole city.
The people assembled about my house; depu-
ties from the body of citizens offered to guard
me and to prevent my being taken away,
in case of any determination to put the above
mentioned design in execution. I entreated
them not to violate their duty as loyal sub-
jects, nor to disturb the public tranquillity:
I thanked them for their zeal, by which I
was moved even to tears. The city of Vien-
na is small. This assemblage of the people
was known at court in a few minutes. Either
from fear or repentance, the emperor sent
me my sword, with the request that I would
still continue to command his army in Hun-
gary. I replied I would, on condition that
I should have a carte blanche, and be no
longer exposed to the malice of his generals
&nd ministers. The poor emperor durst not
publicly give me these full powers, though
he did privately in a note signed with his
own hand ; and with this I thought proper
to be content.

PRINCE EUGENE. 53

This anecdote of Leopold, whom I pity
for not having felt that a more signal re-
paration was due to me, fully demonstrates
the falsehood of a saving which has been as-
cribed to me ; that of the three emperors
whom I have served, the first was my fa-
ther, the second my brother, and the third
my master. A pretty sort of a father truly,
to order my head to be cut off for having
saved his empire !

I must turn mv eves another wav to look
for enersw. Behold it in the north, friaries
XII. King of Sweden, at the age of fifteen,
is the mediator of peace between the
ropean powers. Xt was signed at Ryswick
on the 2 1st of September.

1608.

In consequence of this, my army receiv-
ed reinforcements from that of Germany :
nevertheless the Turks were four times
as strong. I was disappointed of gaining

54 MEMOIRS OF

another battle of Zenta. In vain I marched
and countermarched ; the infidels every where
entrenched themselves. I then retreated to
induce them to leave their holes : all my
endeavours were fruitless. I would have
marched into Bosnia; but they had received
a reinforcement of forty thousand Tartars,,
and all the passes were guarded. I would
have invested Temeswar ; but they would
have obliged me to raise the siege. Before
they could have time to assemble for this
operation I thought 1 should be able to
make myself master of the place by inter-
cepting a prodigious convoy on the point
of entering it. I marched thither myself at
the head of my cavalry, placing my infantry
in ambuscade. A hussar who deserted oc-
casioned the failure of this attempt. This
was the most wretched campaign for my
glory that ever I made in my life. I exe-
cuted only thirty ringleaders of a plot to
revolt, formed by seven regiments, which,
having received no pay for four months
(for the court left me destitute of money)
had resolved to go over to the Turks. On

PRINCE EUGENE. 55

the 26th of January, the peace of Carlowitz
was signed, that as usual, war might be
carried on elsewhere.

1699.

I sent back my army, and set out for Vienna.
This year I began my fine library, and con-
ceived a passion for gardens and palaces.

I purchased from time to time, some beau-
tiful cabinet paintings and drawings that
were not known. I was not rich enough
to form a gallery, and was not fond of
engravings, because other persons may pos-
sess the same. I never liked copies of any
kind, and those talents which run away with
valuable time. A few wind-instruments, mar-
tial airs, hunting-tunes, flourishes of trum-
pets, or pleasing airs of comic operas, reliev-
ed me, during dinner, from the necessity
of speaking or listening to tiresome persons.

56 ' MEMOIRS 0!

1700.

A century of continual war was now at
an end ; the celebrated peace of Westphalia
in 1648, which was to extend to all Europe,
had not accomplished its object. The good
advisers of Leopold, and Leopold himself,
not corrected by my example, would have
brought Prince Louis of Baden to a court-
martial for his campaign on the Rhine. Salm
and Kaunitz were the only honest men who op-
posed this measure; they would, however, have
been overpowered but for me. Influenced
as much by justice as by consanguinity (25)
and intimate friendship, which I retained for
him through my whole life, I loudly censured
the proceeding, at the same time shewing
that I had not forgotten Zenta.

After the peace of Carlowitz, France was
so polite as to send us M. Villars as her
ambassador. (26) He was received with great
distinction by all those with whom he had
been acquainted in Hungary, where he had

PRINCE EUGENE. 5?

gained great reputation as a volunteer, and
by the whole city, who thought him ex-
tremely amiable. But intrigues were carried
on at his court against ours without his
knowledge. He was highly astonished at the
coldness with which he was all at one treated]
Notwithstanding the friendship of the king
of the Romans for me, I could not prevail
upon him to relax in this respect. (27) " Of
what use," said I to him, and to the cour-
tiers and generals who followed his example,
" is this personal antipathy, which M. Villars
does not deserve ? I shall see him, and con-
tinue on friendly terms with him, till we
begin to fire upon one another again."
Prince Louis t)f Baden acted in the same
manner, though we were not the better liked
for it. We all three parted very good
friends. (28) We missed his company much ;
for when Louis XIV. had at length completed
all his machinations, and thrown off the
mask, he departed. Previous to this we had
the following conversation :

l( It is not my fault/' said he, "if, with-
out knowing how to suppress your rebellion

58 MEMOIRS OF

in Hungary, you are determined to make
war upon us. I had rather your highness
would do like those gentlemen who have
turned their backs upcn n;e here, as they
will do elsewhere, if I command an army/'
This was truly a sally d la Villars. t( You
hope perhaps that the Turks will interfere,
because the abbe Joachim has predicted that
the empress will have twins, one of whom
shall sit on the throne of Constantinople." (29)
" I am not angry with you, M. de Villars,"
replied I, " for in your correspondence, which
to be sure is a little in the light French
style, you have transmitted to your court
a portrait of me drawn by the hand of friend-
ship ; but there are people *who complain
of certain inadvertencies, and the court of
having read in one of your dispatches : ' We
shall see if the Christ in Leopold's chapel
will speak to him as he did to Ferdinand
II. He is there still, I have seen him with
my own eyes.' Private individuals never
forgive a satire; judge then of the effect
which a sarcasm must produce upon a sove-
reign." " It is only with great reserve in
conversation," said he, <c that I have sup-

PRINCE EUGENE. 59

ported myself in this country. I am angry
with your Austrians, who, among the tales
which they invent concerning me, assert that
I conspired with Ragotzi against the person
of the emperor/' <c I can tell you/5 answered
I, iC what gave rise to this stupid idea.
People recollected an expression in a letter
intercepted while you were a volunteer in
our service : c I am an Austrian with the
army, but a Frenchman at Vienna/ This
implies a great deal, said the fools. No
conspiracies have ever been formed against
our emperors ; they have never been assas-
sinated. We have no Clements or Ravail-
lacs. (30) The people are not enthusiasts, as
with you, but for that very reason, they do
not run into extremes. Crimes indeed are very
rare in Austria. Last year some persons
wanted to persuade Leopold that a design
had been formed to kill him because a ball
went through his hat while hunting. c Seek
the man/ said he, with his Spanish air ;
' he is a bungler one way or other; he is
dying of fear or of hunger ; give him a
thousand ducats/1

GO MEMOIRS OF

1701.

The war being on the point of breaking
out afresh on account of the Spanish suc-
cession, a great council was held on the
subject. I gave it as my opinion that the
Archduke should be immediately sent to
Spain, and that an army should enter Lom-
bard}'. It was rejected by Leopold's honest
advisers; but they had reason to repent it.
Prince Louis was appointed to the chief
command in the Empire as I was in Italy.

I had thirty thousand good veteran troops.
The Duke of Mantua having a French
garrison placed in his capital, I know not
whether with or without his consent, pre-
tended that it was a commencement of
hostilities on the part of Catinat : this af-
forded me a pretext for beginning mine. —
But a word or two respecting this Duke, of
whom I have already made mention. For-
migha was almost his prime minister. The
Abbe Fantoni, his lord of the bed-chamber,

PRINCE EUGENE. 61

sometimes provided him courtezans, like one
Mathia ; sometimes a mistress, like the
Countess Calori ; and at others a wife to
secure him in the interest of Louis XIV.
like a Conde or an Elbceuf, furnished by
the king. Both of them being gained by
France, prevented his marrying an Aremberg,
who would have rendered him favorable to
us. The Duke had nevertheless a seraglio
guarded by eunuchs. Never was there seen
so strange a creature. — Thanks to him, how-
ever, I was now in the full career of war,,
after ten days of incredible labor among
mountains and precipices with two thousand
pioneers ; and part of my subsequent success
was already decided because I did not respect
the neutrality of the republic of Venice.

Catinat, having received from his court
positive orders not to violate that neutral ity,
could not oppose my entering the Veronese.
On leaving the Trentino, I sent my excuses
by a/ major to the most Serene Republic, and
continued my march. Catinat was waiting
for me at another place, where I should
have had defiles to pass through, and have

62 MEMOIRS OF

been beaten, but for the expedient, not the
most delicate, indeed, which I had adopted.
This was a proper case for urging imperious
circumstances, misunderstanding, and the un-
certainty of a general permission in a republic,
as an excuse, and I failed not to avail
myself of it. By passing the Adige and the
Po, I induced Catinat to extend his army ; I
attacked and routed St. Fremont at Carpi.
Tesse came to his relief and prevented his
total destruction, which would have been
inevitable had riot the roads stopped Com-
merci with my cavalry. I nevertheless put
to flight those two generals, cut off from
Catinat, who was waiting for me at Ostiglia,
and while pursuing and charging them at the
head of the cuirassiers, I received a severe
wound from a musket-shot in my left knee.
Having joined Commerci, Catinat durst not
give me battle, or rather go on with that
which had been almost one continued action.
He took advantage of the night to cross the
Mincio. I followed him front the other
side of the river, because he had not
time to call in all his detachments ; and the
Duke of Savoy, who began his old tricks,

PRINCE EUGENE. 63

had not thought fit to send him his troops.
Catinat retreated upon Chiesa, and thus was
I master of all the country between the
Adige and the Adda, excepting Mantua.
I had kept up a regular correspondence
with Victor Amedaeus, with whom I had
a notion that I should be able to do some-
thing. One must employ artifice in Italy.
I bribed a Franciscan of Mantua, and he
gained over the whole convent. Under the
pretence of confessing us in our camp, the
monks carried arms away with them under
their clothes to dispatch the guard at the
nearest gate, which they were to open to my
soldiers disguised as peasants, one day when
I was to go with a large retinue to hear
mass at Notre Dame de Grace. They had
likewise gained the inhabitants ; but being
discovered and disarmed, they were punished
as they deserved, and thus my scheme was
frustrated.

The Duke of Savoy, satisfied with having
again become generalissimo, and married his
daughter to the Duke of Burgundy, re-
paired to the army of the two crowns.

64 MEMOIRS OF

I paid him my compliments out of respect,
and made him a present, out of friendship,
of some beautiful Turkish horses, some of
the spoils of Zenta. He ventured to accept
but one. Louis XIV. angry because I had
deceived Catinat, did me the great favor
of putting the ignorant and presumptuous
Villeroy (31) in the place of one of the best
generals that France ever had. When the
Duke of Savoy proposed to undertake any
thing, and said to him (c I am generalissimo .:"
Villeroy would reply, (< I have orders from
the I£ing." So indeed he had to seek me
wherever I might be, and to engage me. My
cousin had the kindness to apprize me of this.
( 32 ) I wanted Chiari for the head of my camp :
the Venetian commandant talked to me about
neutrality, but I told him that was a thing
I only laughed at. He requested me to ac-
cept his protest, and I signed just what he
pleased. The enemy outwitted me ; I was
his dupe this time I must confess. Pracontal
with all the drums of the army made such
a noise at the bridge of Paluzzuolo, that
the corps destined to prevent the passage
of the Oglio continued there, and the enemy

PRINCE EUGENE. 63

crossed in another place. I took a position
so as to front on three sides. The generous
Catinat, instead of rejoicing to see his com-
mander beaten, said to him : ff Do not fight;
let us retreat/' The Duke of Savoy, on the
contrary, who wished Villeroy to get a sound
drubbing, said, " Fight ! let us attack !
Catinat is timid, you know."

On the 1st of September, on my left my
post of Chiari, notwithstanding its excellence,
was nearly forced by the unparalleled im-
petuosity of the French : the houses, mills,
and all were already carried. Never did I
witness such valor. Daun drove them back.
My right, concealed on the ground behind
an entrenchment, suddenly started up and
fired when the enemy had advanced quite
close. Villeroy ordered an attempt to be
made with the centre ; but this scarcely ever
succeeds when the wings are beaten.

The worthy, the admirable Catinat rallied
the troops, led them back to the attack, and
received a severe contusion on the breast, and
a shot in his hand. As for Victor Amedaeus,

B

66 MEMOIRS OF

he was every where ; he exposed himself like
the most determined of the soldiers, and had a
horse killed under him. What a singular
character ! This time he wished to lose the
battle; but habitual courage stifled the sug-
gestions of policy.

Notwithstanding the loss of the combined
army,(33)it was still much stronger than mine.
I again took a good position ; the two advan-
tages which I had gained had somewhat
lowered the presumption and lofty tone of
Villeroy. The only actions now fought were
between the advanced posts and small detach-
ments. Mine always had the advantage, be-
cause my spies, to whom I often gave three
hundred ducats for a trifling piece of infor-
mation, apprised me of the slightest move-
ment. The only thing to be done was to
decamp; the first who should break up ran
the risk of being beaten, and it was neverthe-
less absolutely necessary to go into winter
quarters.

My horses were destitute of nrovender ;
dead leaves were given them to eat ; my men

PRINCE EUGENE. . 67

fell away perceptibly,, but were attached to
me, and endured their hardships with patience;
while Villeroy's, who likewise suffered, but
in a much less degree, deserted by hundreds.
I set an example of temperance and patience.
To relieve our ennui, my Vaudemont formed
a plan for carrying off his father from his
quarters. Awakened by the discharge of a
musket, he escaped in his morning gown, and
this attempt of filial piety miscarried. So
did my scheme too ; for Catinat stole away
under favor of the night from his camp,
and repassed the Oglio. Deceived, or rather
ill served on this occasion, which was never-
theless of great importance to me, I hurried
thither in spite of the darkness, and instead
of destroying Villeroy, only took from him
four hundred prisoners, and to be sure did
some execution on the other side of the river
with my artillery, which followed me at full

ga

Hop.

The French, dying of hunger and fatigue,

went into cantonments. The Venetians would

not give me any in the Bressano. To fight

with the prospect of being beaten, and to

e2

68 MEMOIRS OF

retire into Tyrol, appeared to me to be equally
bard. Whither was I then to go for the win-
ter ? Judging the most hazardous step to be
the most prudent, I threw myself into the
territories of Mantua, took by assault Canette,
the ancient Bibriacum, thanks to one of
Daun's men, who amidst a shower of shot
cut the rope of a draw-bridge, and after-
wards made myself master of Mascaria*
Rodolesco, and the bridge of Gazolo.

Two little disasters befel detachments of
mine, I know not whether through my fault,
or through the fault of Drack, who command-
ed one, or of Merci, who commanded the
other. The latter was taken prisoner, and
was just going to be put to death by way of
retaliation when he was saved by a French of-
ficer. He had fallen into, an ambuscade
formed by Tesse, who had left Mantua upon
this expedition, which did him honor. I
gained possession, notwithstanding, of all the
Mantuano, excepting Goito and Mantua,
which I blockaded. I know not whether it
was the heart or the understanding of the
Princess of Mirandola that pleaded with her

PRINCE EUGENE. 69

in my behalf; but she gave a grand supper to
all the principal French officers to afford me
an opportunity of surprising the place. I
took Berselo in spite of the Duke of Modena,
who made believe to oppose me. The Duke
of Parma absolutely insisted that my troops
should not enter his dominions : I laughed at
his protestations and those of the Pope, whose
vassal he called himself. Guastalla had al-
ready surrendered to me, and after having
thus set to rights all these petty princes of
Italy, I occupied three of their provinces to
give rest to my troops during the whole
winter.

1702.

To myself alone I allowed none; I posted
from one quarter to another, and observed with
pleasure the negligence that prevailed among
the French. "I must," said Villeroy, "m ke
these three princes dance the rigadoon du-
ring the carnival. " This excited in us a
desire to anticipate him by surprising Cre-
mona, by Commerci on one side, and Vaude-

10 MEMOIRS OF

mont on the other. The latter lost his way in
thenight: one of my detachments had entered
by a sewer; I -was already master of one of
the gates of the city, the barracks, and some
streets. These lines, put into the mouths of the
French soldiers, record the rest of the story,
which is besides perfectly well known : (34 )

By the favor of Bellona,

And Fortune's smiles most liberal,

We again have found Cremona,
And have lost our general.

Villeroy, taken by our soldiers, who had
thrown him down from his horse, without hat,
without wig, and without sword, so that it
was impossible to know him again, said to
Macdonnel, " I am the Marshal ; save me,
and I will give you a regiment of cavalry and
a pension of two thousand crowns." The
streets were dyed with blood. To put an end
to all these petty conflicts, I sent Commerci
to ask Villeroy to order them all to cease,
and the French to surrender. He had the
good sense to reply : <c Who would obey a
prisoner? " — And when he saw Crenan, who
had been killed, carried along, he observed :

PRLNCE EUGENE. 71

"I en vy his fate." I repaired to the town-
house to rouse the citizens. Mahoni said to
one of my officers: " Quarter for M Frei-
berg!"— " 'Tis not a day for mercy/' replied
the latter; "do your duty and I will do
mine," — and Freiberg was killed. Our sol-
diers, and in particular the cuirassiers, with
whom I was not perfectly satisfied on the score
of courage and order, were repulsed on every
side. Before they were completely driven out
of the city, I went to see Villeroy, whom I
could not help pitying. I sent him off to
Inspruck, and issued orders for a retreat,
which it would have been extremely difficult
to effect, ifjCrequi had cut me off from the
rest of my army. (35) I admired the valor of
the French, roused from their sleep, and half
naked, every where making the most deter-
mined resistance, and also the intelligence of
their officers. In this qualification mine were
extremely deficient. I had the glory of sur-
prising and the disgrace of not keeping what
I had gained : but when you are unsuccessful,
'tis much the same as if you had made no
attempt. I went to invest Mantua more
closely: its duke was dying of fear and famine.

?* MEMOIRS OF

notwithstanding all the exertions of Tesse,
who behaved most admirably : he had even
the address sometimes to deceive my parties,
while he introduced supplies of provisions
into the city.

The able, the intrepid, the good, the amia-
ble, the generous, the dexterous discoverer of
his enemies' projects, sometimes indiscreet re-
specting his own, the affable, the indolent
Vendome( 36 )came to succeed Villeroy. On his
arrival he made several movements with his
army: I did the same with mine, clearly per-
ceiving that it was his intention to attack me,
or to relieve Mantua. The court of Vienna
not having given me a sufficient number of
troops, either out of malice, or from the want
of means, this outset of Vendome's was highly
brilliant : he took from me all my small towns
and all my communications. I entrenched my-
jelf wherever I went; and the better to watch
his motions, I took a camp very near his.

Churlish people have found fault with me
for the attempt to ^eize Vendome in his house
at Rivalto, on the banks of the lake of Man-

PRINCE EUGENE. 75

tua, where he had his head-quarters, made by
Davia., whom I sent for the purpose with fifty
men in boats. One of his soldiers killed the
sentinel, whom Davia had directed to be car-
ried off. The guard hastened to the spot.
Davia re-embarked, and did wrong to order
his men, as they were coming away, to fire at
Vendome's windows.

In the first place, in war let him trick the
other who can; and in the next it was doing
him an honor; for Catinat himself would not
have executed his manoeuvres with such ra-
pidity. At any rate he was soon even with me.
Vendome caused twelve pieces of cannon to be
placed on a height, and ordered them to play
upon my house. I rose, for it was ready to
tumble about my ears. Commerces was burned
by the red-hot balls, and others battered down;
the tents of my guard were pierced, and about
a hundred men killed. This I thought per-
fectly natural, but rather long, for the can-
nonade lasted three hours, though I never
complained of it.

Unwilling to remove any farther from Man-

^4 MEMOIRS OF

tua, I raised the entrenchments of my camp io
the height of twenty feet. Who would be-
lieve that I had learned something from the
Turks, and that the Turks had learned some-
thing from the Romans? This practice mast,
I should think, have been transmitted to them
by colonies of that people, like the Etruscan
forms of vases and pitchers, which are to
be found in every cottage. I return to my
subject.

I could not boast of the smallest advantage
over Vendome. A large detachment to watch
him, commanded by Visconti, who had three
horses killed under him, was surprised and
beaten. Commerci, though with nothing but
his boots on his bare legs, arrived too late,
and without being obliged to go, for he was
ili. I plainly perceived that I must raise the
blockade of Mantua, collect all my detach-
ments and little garrisons, and give battle with
my twenty-six thousand men. I marched to-
wards the Seraio, and Vendome to Luzara,
from which place the little garrison that I still
had there retired to a tower. From the Se-
raio I went and crossed the Po, at the com-

Prince eugene. 75

nienceraent of the canal of Zero, and concealed
all my infantry behind a great dyke, near the
spot upon which the enemy had fixed for his
camp. At the moment when the combined
army;, deceived by my spies, was just about to
enter the place, we were discovered by the
greatest of accidents. I ordered my soldiers
to climb the dyke ; they scrambled up as well
as ihqj could, and I rushed upon the enemy,
who had not time to form in order of battle.
My cavalry, with fascines, which I had given
them for the purpose, made a passage to sup-
port my infantry. The gallant Commerci, my
dearest friend and my best general, fell while
engaging the left wing. Lichtenstein took his
place, and was likewise killed. Langalierie
rallied that wing and repulsed the. victors,
afflicted by the loss of their officers. They
returned to the charge, and recovered their
ground. Meanwhile my left wing was beaten.
Stahrenberg rallied it. Vaudemont came to
its assistance, and performed prodigies. I was
successful in the centre, notwithstanding the
presence of Vendome, who was also in the
centre of his army; and yet I should have
been defeated, had I not remarked that part

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of my cavalry, hitherto of no use, as was like-
wise that of the allies, from the nature of the
ground, might, by crossing some ditches of
no great breadth, and passing through some
copses, by no means thick, decide the success
of my left, and ensure mine. It would seem that
it is lying upon the field of battle which ren-
dcrsthe victory certain. (37) It wasapparently
out of politeness to the King of Spain that
Vendome ordered Te Deumto be sung. I was
informed that the Duke of Mantua was by the
side of that king during the whole battle,
which gives me ahigh ideaof his prudence. ( 38 )
As for the Duke of Savoy, he had none of that
kind of prudence; he fought in his usual way,
but displeased every body by his subtlety. He
had been ill received when he repaired to the
army of Philip V. who left it two days after
the battle, and returned to Spain. Before I
abandoned Mantua entirely, I attempted to
gain admission into the city by means of my
clandestine agents, but was again disappointed.
A deserter prevented my being taken when on
the point of falling into an ambuscade. I had
done all that I could do : I had gained some
glory and lost a great deal of ground. It was

PRINCE EUGENE. 77

not my fault : only consider the superiority of
Vendome's army, which was double the num-
ber of mine. Of all my posts I. retained Os-
tiglia alone; and yet I would not 2:0 into win-
ter quarters till I had seen the French into
their's. I sent Solari to cover the Trentino,
and set out for Vienna, where I had not been
for two years.

1 703.

The emperor made me war-minister in-
stead of Mansfeld. I told him that war could
not be carried on without troops and money;
that for six months the men had received none,
and been in want of every necessary. I wished
the other commanders to be better supplied
than I had been ; and this was accordingly
done. I put a stop to the peculations commit-
ted in every department. I said to the empe-
ror, "Your army, Sire, is your monarchy;
without it your dominions will yet fall a prej?
to the Turks, the French, or perhaps one of
these days to the Hungarians. Your capital
is a frontier town. Your Majesty has no for-

78 MEMOIRS OF

tress on any side; every one is paid excepting
those who serve you. Make peace. Sire, if
you cannot carry on war; and it is evident
that you cannot without the money of England.
What are your ministers doing, to take no ad-,
vantage of the hatred against France, and to
erarbroil you with all Europe, even with your
own subjects ? Besides, if your Imperial Ma-
jesty does not give me orders to bring over en-
tirely to onr side the Duke of Savoy, who is
half gained already, you will never be fortu-
nate in Italy." I carried my point. This was
the only ministerial success I met with this
year ; and my only military success consisted
in repulsing the Hungarian rebels so smartly
as to prevent any farther alarm at Vienna, and
to save Presburg. Though minister at war,
I could not even give myself the army which
Leopold had promised me, and was unable to
do any thing farther.

1704.

This was no great deal indeed ; but at
last, as I had foreseen, Caroli, at the head of

PRINCE EUGENE. 79

the malcontents, entered the suburbs of Vienna
on Easter Sunday. I know not why they were
afraid, and did not proceed to the court; for
I found it a difficult task to collect the little
garrison and the citizens, whom I posted be-
hind an entrenchment which I ordered to be
hastily thrown up at St. Mark's, and which
was afterwards continued on the right and left
to the Danube. The few troops that we had
between Vienna and Presburg, and between
Presburg and Itaab, had been dispersed. In
vain I begged that reinforcements might be
sent to them. Owing to this lesson, some were
given to Heister, who cut off the retreat of
the scouts that had been to Vienna, and de-
feated the detachments coming to their aid. I
went myself into Hungary to conduct the war
for a moment, and then to conclude an ac-
commodation with Ragotzi, Berezeni, &c.

Leopold could never bear to hear plain
truths but when he was afraid. Where is the
mistress or the friend to whom they can be
told with impunity — much less a great sove-
reign, spoiled by slaves, who accompany him
every day to church, but not his generals to

£0 MEMOIRS OF

war? In urgent cases I requested an extraor-
dinary audience of him, as if I had been the
ambassador of some foreign power, and this I
obtained but very seldom.

" Forced levies, once more," said I; " mi-
litia, a loan in Holland, which is good for no-
thing else. Few taxes, but a kind of capita-
tion, and no bounties to monks and courtiers,
though the court itself ought always to be
magnificent. Of whatuse is it, in conferences
with monied men, who are acquainted with
the resources of states, and the specie of dif-
ferent countries, to read memoirs to be discus-
sed before your Majesty ? They laugh at our
finances, while, for my part, I weep over them.
Try to find out, if possible, a Colbert in your
dominions. "

What I obtained was the power of nego-
ciating quite alone, and I gained over to our
side Queen Anne and Marlborough. I went
to meet him at Heilbronn, to concert measures
with him and Prince Louis of Baden, whom
I had not seen for a considerable time I
took upon myself the defence of the lines of

PRINCE EUGENE. 81

Behel, and left them to follow Tallard, who
was endeavouring to join the Elector of Ba-
varia. If I am not fortunate enough to pre-
vent their junction,, thought I, the worst
that can befal me is to fight both together,
which will save me the trouble of engaging
them separately. Tallard and Marsin had
two other sorts of presumption than Villeroy,
and more understanding. The presumption,
of the one was founded on the victory gained
by him at Spire; (39) that of the other on
the divine protection, which, by the cabals of
the pious, had certainly proved as beneficial
to him as the 'patronage of the court. Tal-
lard was as short-sighted morally as he was
physically. Marsin was more penetrating,
possessed more talents, but luckily no pru-
dence.

Had they exercised patience, without fight-
ing me, they would have obliged me to aban-
don Bavaria, for I had no place in that coun-
try where I could form my magazines, except
Nordiingen; but these gentlemen were in a
great hurry, and the elector was furious at
the pillage which I had suffered Marlborough

82 MEMOIRS OF

to commit, (40) and who, in consequence, be-
came my firm friend. We sincerely loved and
esteemed each other. He was indeed a great
statesman and general.

They had eighty thousand men, and so had
we. Why were the French separated from
the Bavarians? Why did they encamp so far
from the rivulet' which would have embar-
rassed us in the attack ? Why did they place
twenty-seven battalions and twelve squadron*
in Blenheim ? Why did they scatter so many
troops in other villages ? Marlborough was
more fortunate than I in his passage of the
rivulet, and his fine attack. A little steep-
ness of the bank occasioned my being half an
hour later. My infantry behaved very well,
but my cavalry very ill. I had a horse
killed under me. Marlborough was checked.,
but not repulsed. I succeeded in f allying
the regiments, which were shy at first, and
led them four times to <he charge. Marl-
borough, with his iufautrV and artillery, and
gometimes with his cavalry, cleared away that
of the enemy, and took Blenheim. We were
be&ien for a moment by the gendarmerie, but

PRINCE EUGENE. 83

at length we threw them into the Danube,
I was under the greatest obligations to Marl-
borough for his changes in the dispositions
according to circumstances. A Bavarian
dragoon took aim at me; one of my Danes
fortunately anticipated him. We lost nine
thousand men ; but twelve thousand eight
hundred French killed,, and twenty thousand
eight hundred taken prisoners, prevented them
this time from sinking their usual Te Deum
for their defeats, which they never acknow-
ledge. (41) I wrote to the King of Prussia to
inform him of the gallant conduct of Anhalt
and his corps.

The poor elector, with his corps, joined
Viileroy, who had marched to favour his re-
treat. They mournfully ea braced. e( I have
sacrificed my dominions for the king/' said
the former, Si and I am ready to sacrifice my
life for him." The duke and prince (for
Marlborough was now created a prince of the
empire), Louis of Baden, and I, went to
amuse ourselves at Stuttgafd. The second
took Landau, the first Trarbach, while I
narrowly missed the two Brisachs : the one
f2

$* MEMOIRS OF

because the governor of Fribourg mistook
his way, and the other from the false delicacy
of the lieutenant-colonel, whom I had di-
rected to enter as a courier with some others,
and who being unable to endure a caning
from an overseer of the works of the place,
ordered him to be fired upon. (42) This was
indeed insisting very unseasonably on a point
of honor, and the only occasion on which a
man might, without disgrace, receive a thrash-
ing. Had we succeeded, he would rather
have been envied than reproached for it. I
proceeded to Ingolstadt, which was on the
point of surrendering, but was prevented by
the valor of a French regiment, composed
of brave deserters in the Bavarian service.
They disregarded alike my promises and my
threats: but astonishing them by the gene-
rous offer of sending them home under an
escort, that nothing might happen to them,
they evacuated Ingolstadt; and with the ex-
ception of Munich, all Bavaria was our's,
thanks to the treaty which I concluded with
the electress. The conditions were hard ;
she refused them ; but by means of father
Schuhmacher, a good Jesuit, her confessor,

PRINCE EUGENE. 85

I prevailed on her to sign them, and set out
for Vienna.

1705.

> •.■'*■-

Feeling for the condition of the Duke of
Savoy, who had again become a staunch Aus-
trian, and not being supported by the Court
of Vienna, had been reduced to the brink
of ruin ; (43) I represented it to the emperor.
" Well," said he, " take hin? reinforcements*
and command the army in Italy." — " Sire," I
replied, cc I remember my last campaign, in
which, being left without money and without
troops, either through stupidity or roguery,
malice or jealousy, I was made to relinquish
the blockade of Mantua, to lose all the'towns
which I had taken, and to derive no benefit
from my victory at Luzara. They inter-
cepted my letters to your Majesty, and want
to compromise my honor. I would rather
lay all my employments at your feet^ and re-
tire I know not whither to spend my life in
peace. Here are twenty-two years of active
service — the last ten of court storms and mor-

86 MEMOIRS OF

tifications. I did hope to reconquer one half
of the Spanish succession, but notwithstanding
my victory at Hochstett, I am still in fear for
your Majesty's dominions; which would have
been lost; had I been defeated."

Leopold promised me twenty-eight thousand
men, punctually paid; and in want of nothing.
I would not set off till they were gone, and
proceeded to Roveredo. Mirandola had just
surrendered : I entered the BressaiiO. Ven-
due marched to attack me, but having been
prevented by rne from occupying the height
of Gavardo, he durst not. There it was that
I heard of the death of the emperor ; (44) I
had a greater love for Joseph I. who succeeded
him; but; as the son is almost always the
reverse of the father, I was apprehensive that
he would abandon the Duke of Savoy, for
whom I was indeed responsible. So far from
it; he wrote to me to continue; and imme-
diately sent me one hundred thousand florins
for the payment of the troops.

Leopold possessed good qualities, but I
know not why some Spanish and Austrian

PRINCE EUGENE. 87

flatterers have tried to call him Leopold the
Great. The attempt to be sure has not suc-
ceeded. He detested the French to such a
degree that he forbade a single word of -that
language to be spoken at his court, I helped
myself out with Italian, with which I am
better acquainted than with German,, though
I find no difficulty to understand and to give
orders in that language.

Vendome went away into Piedmont, and
directed his brother, the grand prior, to
starve me in my camp at Gavardo, in order
to oblige me to quit the Bressano. I at-
tempted to dislodge him from the villa of la
Couline, an important post. This led to a
combat unparalleled for courage and re-
sources; seven grenadiers defended the pi-
geon-house. Had Wirtemberg set fire to the
villa immediately on his arrival there, he
must have been successful. The grand prior
came to its relief: not daring to risk a general
engagement, I attempted the passage of the
Oglio. This was absolutely necessary, for
the Duke of Savoy had nothing but Turin

§8 MEMOIRS OF

left. I succeeded,, but how ? I was obliged to
employ stratagem upon stratagem, and to avail
myself of the indolence of the grand prior,
whom I knew to be fond of his bed, and to
steal a march upon him under favor of the
night. He strove, on rising, to retrieve this
fault with incredible diligence; and when he
had nearly overtaken me, 1 faced about to at-
tack him. The position which he took made
me afraid ; and contrary to my custom I
called a council of war, pretty certain that it
would decide against an attack,

I suspected also thatToralba, the Spaniard,
Was not good for much. I drovg him out of
Palazzuolo, threatening to shoot him if he
threw into the Oglio the provisions of which
I was in the greatest want. He escaped to
Bergamo. Yisconti and Joseph of Lorraine,
who were there wounded, came up with him,
and instead of defending the height on which
lie was very advantageously posted, a few
cannoivshot induced him to surrender with
nine hundred men. Only imagine the rage
and astonishment of the grand prior. Palaz-

PRINCE EUGENE. 89

zuolo and Ponte d'Oglio having surrendered,
I advanced to cross the Adda, the only bar-
rier of the Milanese. .

I went and. took Soncino ; and learning
that the French head-quarters were at Sole-
sino, I said to my generals : ' ( Albergotti has
certainly joined the grand prior, and from
this bold movement I would wager that Ven-
dome has come back to the army/' Of this
I was still more strongly convinced, when,
having ordered the post of Quatorze Naviles
to be occupied by Wetzel, Vendome himself
came to dislodge him. His grenadiers at-
tacked the bridge, while other troops plunged
into the water on the right and left to take
my detachment on both flanks, Here was a
display of valor, intelligence, and vivacity*
the characteristics of the French soldier.

Vendftme wanted to fight, but I did not ;
my object was to assist the Duke of Savoy,
by a diversion in the Mantuano ; Vendome
strove to prevent me. Vendome, without
being so negligent as his brother, had a little
of his indolence. I stole a march upon him

X

90 MEMOIRS OF

during the night, and arrived in two forced
marches on the banks of the Adda. I took
possession of a magnificent country-house be-
longing to the Jesuits of Bergamo, called ll
Paradisa. I should have crossed the Adda
quietly, but" one of my waggons with pon-
toons broke down by the way.

The Adda, nearly a torrent at that moment,
was not easy to pass ; its rapidity rendered it
difficult to join the pontoons. Vendome had
time to come up ; but a kind of amphitheatre
composed of my grenadiers for the protection
of the workmen, sickened him of the design
to interrupt them. Colmenero, the Spaniard,
apprised me of every thing. I determined to
go and fight the grand prior; he decamped,
though slowly, in consequence of positive or-
ders from his brother. I intended to cross
the Adda by the bridge of Cassano ; Ven-
dQmc opposed me : each strove ti) outwit the
other. I resolved to p.ut an end to all this by
a battle. I had been informed that Vendome
usually took a nap in the afternoon, from
which no person durst awake him, for fear of
putting him into an ill humour. Linange

PHINCE- EUGENE. §1

msule himself master of the villa and bridge
of Ritorto ; he vvas repulsed. I arrived there,
recovered every thing, and penetrated the left
of the "French: Veudome came up also with
hi? gilded troop/ which was thinned in a mo-
ment by our fir*. He had a horse killed un-
der him, and received a ball through his
boot. I received a musket-shot in the neck,
and notv ig (h& blood, which flowed

copiously, I remained till a second ball below
the knee obliged me to retire to get my
wounds dressed. The defeat of the French
would have been certain, could I have taken
a redoubt. I sent word to Anhalt to put an
end to a firing which galled me in the centre
and on the left. Ardent and brave as he was,
he plunged with bis horse into the Ritorto,
followed by the Prussians, who were up to
the chin in water ; he was wounded. Wiir-
temberg did the same on the right, and was
killed. The arms and ammunition of both
having got wet, they were nnable to return
the fire of the French. They made them-
selves masters of the castle of Cassano. Be-
bra, Rewentlau, and Joseph of Lorraine, a
young prince of nineteen,, fell while checking

92 MEMOIRS OF

the enemy, and firmly maintaining their
ground on this side of the Ritorto, which
they had been obliged to recross, and which
the enemy respected as a barrier that I had
appointed for him. He seemed to renounce
all inclination to pass it, as I on my part gave
up the passage of the Adda. If this can be
called losing a battle, I acknowledge myself
defeated. I went and took an excellent post
at Trevigio. The self-termed conquerors
were apparently in greater confusion than the
vanquished, for not a creature approached
my rear. These would-be victors lost more
men than those whom they gave out to be con-
quered ; they left me some standards and pri-
soners, and had thrown a great number of car-
riages into the canal. (45) Though Vendome
had been joined by his brother, -who had
slept at Rivalto, two leagues from the battle,
and was on that account sent away from the
army, he applied for reinforcements to La
Feuillade, because he thought that I designed
to attack him. I did not indeed effect a
junction with the Duke of Savoy ; but by
these reinforcements, which I obliged Ven-
d6me to require of La Feuillade, I frustrated

PRINCE EUGENE. 93

the plan for besieging and taking Turin.
Did I lose the battle ? I pretend not to de-
cide the question. At any rate I find no
fault with myself for having fought it. A
signal success would have rendered me mas-
ter of Italy ; and the want of success, which
is different from a reverse, and which I may
ascribe to my two wounds, did not prevent
me from resorting to my old tricks all the
rest of the campaign against Vendome, and
quietly taking up my winter-quarters behind
the mountains at Calcinato, Lunato, &c.
Before I went into them, I had attempted
some little enterprizes, all of which were*
frustrated by VendSme. Not to be beaten
by such a man is more glorious than to beat
another. I set out for Vienna.

1706.

Marlborough arrived at Vienna. I had
written to him that his presence would be
necessary. I presented him to the emperor :
how he was received may easily be imagined.
He helped me to obtain assistance for the

9* MEMOIRS OF

Duke of Savoy. <e Queen Anne/' said he,
" sent me for *his purpose. Wc will lend
jour imperial majesty twenty-five thousand
pounds sterling, and I hope to beat the enemy
in the Low Countries/' He returned thither,,
and I to Italy, I arrived at Roveredo at the
came time as the fugitives of inv armv, the
command of which I had given to Rewentlau,
who had just sustained a defeat at Calcinato.
I had but too well cured Vend&me of his in-
dolence. Informed of my departure from
Vienna, he had got the start of me in re-
joining his army. He had counterfeited ill-
ness, and taken medicines before a great
number of persons, as if he had actually been
sick ; but all at once throwing away his
draughts, his robe de chambre, and his nights
cap, he mounted his horse in the night be-
tween the 18th and 19th of April, for this
superb expedition. (46) I rallied the fugitives,
and hastened to Gavardo to prevent Vcndome
from cutting off my communication with the
Trentino. Vend&me used astonishing dis-
patch in all his movements; I had great di£r
ficulty in getting away from him. Never
had I yet so hard a task. I, nevertheless con*

PRINCE EUGENE. 95

trived to make myself master of several posts,
with a view to secure the bank of the Adige.
This was highly requisite, in order to raise
the siege of Turin.

Luckily thanks to the discernment of Louis
XIV. La Feuiilade (47) was charged with
the conduct of the siege. The city had been
very imperfectly invested ; two posts were
unoccupied. Yendome was watching my mo-
tions from the other side of the Adi«*e : it
was, notwithstanding, absolutely necessary
for me to cross that river. Another Venetian
commandant took it into his head to refuse
me a passage at la Badia. I ordered the
gate to be broken open by my grenadiers, and
perceiving that Yendome was no longer with
the army, having gone to Milan to resign the
command to the Duke of Orleans, (48) I first
returned thanks to God for it, and without
giving myself much trouble, I deluded the
French, who were guarding three posts,, and
crossed the Adige, where they least expected
me.

Tease had lost Spain at Barcelona ; Ville-

96 MEMOIRS OF

roy the Low Countries at Ramillies, and La
Feuillade was destined to lose Italv. I
crossed the Tanaro and the Po. Vendome
had earned with him the love, the heart, and
the spirit of the French. I passed the Sec-
chia and the Canal of Ledo, and again thank-
ed God jbr having taken Vendome away from
me. The Duke of Parma sent roe compli-
ments, forage, and allowances for the troops,
in his dominions. The Duke of Savoy dis-
patched a lord belonging to his court to entreat
me to come to him. He was unpleasantly
situated with his little corps out of the city,
the command of which he had left to Daun.
To the former I wrote that all would soon
end well ; and to the latter that, intending to
be at Nice de la Paille on the 30th of Au-
gust, I would soon deliver to him in Turin,
as a reward for his fine defence, the appoint-
ment of general of infantry, which the em-
peror had given me for him. I caused Goito
to be taken by the Prince of Hesse, and'
la Stradella by Kirschbaum. I marched only
in the night, on account of the heat, by which
we were greatly incommoded. I crossed the
Bormida, and having rested on the 27th

Prince eugene. 97

quite close to theTanaro, I entered Piedmont,
at the place which I had mentioned to the
commandant of Turin, two days earlier than I
had promised him a fortnight before. I very
quickly acquainted him with my arrival, at
the same time ordering him to thank his brave
garrison in my name. " That great calcula-
tor Catinat," said I to myself, " and the active
and rapid Vendome (when it was necessary
for him to be so), would not have suffered me
to do all this/' Once more I returned thanks
to heaven, for when one is fortunate, one is
devout. te Probably/' said I again to myself,
ff the extensive power and shallow under-
standing of Marsin, counteract the abilities and
valor of the Duke of Orleans/' I went and
joined the Duke of Savoy, below Carmagnole,
and our soldiers, when they saw us embrace,
threw their hats into the air, shouting :
ff Long live Joseph I. and Victor Aniedasus!"
and I think I heard some cries too of fe Long
live Eugene !•"

La Feuillade made an assault on the 30th,
and was repulsed with great loss. The Duke
of Orleans, more skilful than his two col*

m

W MEMOIRS OF

leagues, wanted to march against me. Marsin
told him in the council of war, that probably
I was only anxious to throw succours into the
city : and that with the rest I should be a
spectator of its fall. All the generals agreed
in opinion with the Duke of Orleans. Marsin
produced a paper signed by the king. The
prince flew into a passion. " Gentlemen/'
said he, (t I find that I have a tutor. Let my
post-chaise be got ready, I shall be gone."
He did not however depart, because he had
a desire to fight. I sent Visconti to intercept
a considerable convoy.

Turin had held out four months, and could
resist no longer ; we marched at length to its
relief. The Duke of Savoy and I ascended
a height, from which we beheld uncertain
movements in the enemy's camp. " Those
people/' said I, " are already half beaten,
cousin." All our artillery gave a tremendous
discharge. Thebattle began; theDukeofSavey
and myself ran whithersoever we thought our
presence needful. This time he fought in
good earnest, and with all his heart, as one
might be sure he would, since it was pro dorm

PRINCE EUGENE. 99

sua The right wing; was at first repulsed,

because it could not attack so soon as the left.
Anhalt set all to rights again with his brave
Prussian infantry, and I at the head of some
squadrons. For an hour and a half some
advantages were gained on either side; it was
a carnage but not a battle. Our troops at
length leaped into the entrenchments of the
French, but threw themselves into disorder in
the pursuit. Three pieces of cannon, well
posted, checked the carbineers, who, but for
this, would have roughly handled my cuiras-
siers, and perhaps my infantry. In rallying the
latter, whose character had been already some-
what slurred, one of my pages and a valet de
chambre were killed behind me, and my horse,
wounded with a carbine-shot, threw me into
a ditch. I was thought to be dead, and it is
said that for a very short time this produced
some effect on the troops. The order which
I gave when getting again on horseback
covered with mud, dust, and blood, to Stah-
renberg's regiment to pour a volley upon the
French cavalry, relieved my infantry of the
latter, and it maintained its ground in that
part of the lines which it had forced. Their
, q2

100 MEMOIRS OF

centre stood firm. Rehbinder was thrice re-
pulsed by the Duke of Orleans, who received
two musket balls. It was the Duke of Savoy
who at length forced his way in person into
the entrenchments.

We were now enabled to give assistance to
the Prince of Saxc Gotha, who performed
wonders on the right, but could not succeed
on account of the Castle of Lucento. The
Saxons then leaped into the entrenchments,
forced Pont Cassine, and in every quarter the
victory was looked upon as won, when the
enemy rallied and attacked us in the field of
battle, of which we had just made ourselves
masters. Daun, though pressed by La Feuil-
lade, made a sally at this critical moment, And
decided the victory. I know not how things
might have turned out, if Albergotti had not
been silly enough to remain a spectator upon
the heights of the Capuchins with forty
battalions. So much is certain, that, but for
this, the most obstinately contested battle I
ever saw might have lasted much longer;
though, not expecting so stupid a procedure, I
had troops in readiness to take him in flank, if

PRINCE EUGENE. 101

he had attempted to come down to me. This
was tire 7th of September. (49)

My good fortune had decreed that Marsin,
( 50) who fell in this engagement, should wait
for me with his eighty thousand men behind his
lines; if he had come out to attack me first, and
to turn me, I should have been a good deal em-
barrassed with my thirty thousand. I was un-
der great obligations in this affair to two French
officers, Bonneval (51) and Langallerie, (52)
imprudent men, who turned out ill, but to
whom I was then much attached for their
bravery and intelligence. I had some in-
fluence with the Emperor Joseph, and had
taken them as generals into his service. 'Tis
a pity they turned out as they did : they pre-
tended to be free-thinkers, who are almost
always unsteady. The affectation of irreligion,
is, independent of its foolish impiety, a mark
of bad taste.

Before I gave myself up entirely to joy
tearing lest the discomfited besiegers should
endeavor to cover the Milanese, I took out
my perspective glass, which I never use but

102 MEMOIRS OF

when I cannot approach near to reconnoitre;
and perceiving them flying rather than re-
treating/towards Pignerol, I said to the Duke
of Savoy : '* Italy is our's, cousin/* (53)

It may easily be imagined how we were
received in Turin, where the little gunpowder
]eh in the city was scarcely sufficient to fire
a general salute of artillery during the Te ,
Deum. " This time at least," said I to Daun,
whom I cordially embraced, M I think Louis
XIV. will not order Te Deum to be sung at
Paris." (54)

The day after the great battle, the Prince
of Hesse (55) was defeated in a little affair by
Medavi ; but this did me no harm : I con-
tinued the pursuit. The Vaudois put the
fugitives to the sword. We took Chivas,
Novara, Milan, the citadel of which we
blockaded ; Lodi, Pizzighitone, Tortona,
Alexandria, Seravalle, and Casal. Proceeding
thence to reconnoitre the post of Cavacurta, I
received a very severe contusion from a mus* *
ket-ball, on my left arm.

PRINCE EUGENE, 10$

1707.

Our generalissimo remained well pleased
at Turin, while I went into winter-quarters :
and both of us agreed to lay siege to Toulon,
after we had taken the citadels of Milan and
of Modena, and some other small posts,
which induced Louis XIV. to make us an
offer to evacuate Italy. We asquiesced on
condition of his restoring something to the
Duke of Mantua, Mirandola to its duke, and
a good deal to the Duke of Savoy, as his
compensation. Daun signed the convention
on our side, and St. Pater on that of the
French, on the 7th of March.

I know not what induced Joseph I. to send
me to the Rhine instead of the Prince of
Baden. I wrote to him that it was certainly
a trick of my enemies, that it was contrary to
my wish, and that I was in a fair way in this
country. I did not indeed anticipate the
failure of our plan against Toulon : we should

104 MEMOIRS OF

infallibly have taken that city, had we not
been obliged to lose time in the conquest
of. Naples, where a conspiracy was formed in
favor of the House of Austria. Two cursed
cardinals, Grimani and Pignatelli, who were
engaged in it, over-ruled the Duke of Savoy's
opinion and mine; (56) absent persons have but
little influence at court. Louis XIV. would
have been more mortified by the conquest of
Dauphine, Languedoc, and Provence. In vain
did Tesse oppose our passage of the moun-
tains : I passed them on the 4th of July, at
the Col de Tende, and the Duke of Savoy,
and the other corps elsewhere. We crossed
the.Var, marched to Frejus, (57) and arrived
before Toulon.

The Duke of Savoy directed me to carry
the heights of St. Catherine, where I posted
the young prince of Saxe Gotha. The Duke
of Savoy promised him a reinforcement of four
battalions, if he should be attacked ; but they
could not reach him in time. Never did the
French make so sudden and so furious an
attack. This prince, who though but twenty
years of age, was a lieutenant-general in the

PRINCE EUGENE. 105

armies of the emperor, of England, and of
Holland, handsome and accomplished in every
way, defended himself like a lion. He had
already lost a great number of his men : two
hundred were yet left him; these were reduced
to thirty or forty, to whom he said : — " My
friends, let us at least die like men of honor.**
He was instantly killed by two musket- balls
Works, entrenchments, batteries, were all
ruined and carried. Every thing was to be
begun again. I was inconsolable for the death
of the young prince ; but I was somewhat
comforted for the loss of St. Catherine's by
the taking of the forts of St. Margaret and St.
Louis. In secret, however, I said to myself:
Of what use will this be to us ? Tesse made
excellent arrangements in the city, and I
shrewdly suspected that the expedition to
Naples, which had retarded the arrival of the
English and Dutch fleet before Toulon, had
frustrated our attempt. But such are cabinets,
parliaments, states-general, and coalitions !
We ought, as I had proposed, to have march-
ed straightway to Toulon, after the expulsion
of the French from Lombardy. Nevertheless,
but for the bravery and talents of Tesse., and the

106 MEMOIRS OF

unfortunate affair in which my beloved Prince
of Gotha fell., we should have been successful.

I left to the Duke of Savoy the honor of
proposing to raise the siege., and took good care
not to oppose him. I fully expected, as it turned
out, that the English would accuse him of a
secret understanding with the French. They
were angry at having been put to so much useless
expence ; they ought to be forgiven. I wrote
to Marlborough that they were wrong, and
that this time the Duke of Savoy had by
accident behaved most honorably towards us ;
but his conduct had not been exactly such
towards the inhabitants of Provence, whom he
had severely fleeced : ( 58 ) he moreover caused
their olive-trees to be cut down and pulled up
by the roots, and took away plants and seeds to
carry them to his own country. Detested as
he was, he was often annoyed on his retreat :
mine was executed with less interruption.
On the 25th of July, my army arrived at
Frejus ; I prevented Medavi, who attempted
to obstruct my march in the defiles and the
passage of the V-ar, which I accomplished
without molestation,

PRINCE EUGENE. Iu7

Vexed at having made a campaign without
any success, I went and took Suza, the only
place left to the French on this side of the
mountains. I repaired to Turin to provide
winter-quarters; to Milan to fix the contri-
butions of the Italian princes ; and to Vienna
to settle the plan of operations of the ensuing
campaign.

One ought not to appear dissatisfied at
court : I hate grumblers, even though they
have reason to grumble. From the closet ill-
natured sarcasms find their way to the parlor,
from the parlor to the dining-room, and
thence, in consequence of the imprudent
^practice of speaking before servants, to the
public-houses ; all this afterwards produces
upon the common people an impression that is
liable to become dangerous. Being sure that
Joseph I. would be embarrassed on seeing
me, because he had not believed me, I
observed, as I ought, a respectful, but likewise
easy behaviour towards him, He was gratified
by it, and scolded me for having exposed
myself too much. It is easy to imagine what
answer I made to this kind reproach. ce You

108 MEMOIRS OF

have expelled the French/' said he, <{ from
Bavaria and Italy ; go ant! drive them from
the Low Countries. Rest yourself, and setoff
on the 26th of March for various courts, and
set the coalition to work according to your
wishes and mine."

1708.

On the 31st of March I was already at Dres-
den, and obtained a promise of King Augustus
to send me a body of his troops. I then went to
Hanover, and received the same promise from
the elector. I proceeded to the Hague, where
I cordially embraced Marlborough, who had
come thither on the same business. We both
pressed Heinsius and Fagel for assistance;
assuring them, that to prevent the enemy
from laying siege to the strong places, we
would gain a battle as speedily as possible.
I appeased, as well as I could, those gentle-
men, who were dissatisfied, because the
emperor had not made peace with the Hun-
garian rebels, nor appropriated to his own use
the revenues of Naples, the Milanese, and

PRINCE EUGENE. 109

Bavaria. I went next to Dusseldorf, to pacify
the Elector Palatine,, who was likewise angry
with the Emperor Joseph I. respecting the
Upper Palatinate. I returned to Hanover
•with Marlborough, to press the elector ; went
to Leipsic to urge King Augustus, whom I
found there, once more ; and after proceeding
to Vienna to give an account of my successful
negociations, I was immediately sent off again
to Frankfurt, to confer with the electors of
Mentz and Hanover, and Rechteren, the
Dutch minister. I circulated a report that
this journey was undertaken for the sake of
rrty health, and that the physicians had ordered
me to use the waters of Schlangenbad. I said
to all these petty allies, "It is your interest ;
a great emperor would live at your expence,
if you did not exist, and would perhaps be
better off on that account. If you do not
protect yourselves by defending him, beware
lest another Louvois lay waste the empire
with fire and sword. u (59)

I have always taken for the foundation of
my politics the interests of the persons with
whom I had to do, and have detested court-

11® MEMOIRS OF

flatterers, who say, " These princes are per-
sonally attached to your majesty," It is thus
that they strengthen the self-love of sove-
reigns, who, besides, like to be told " every
thing is going on well, in the best manner, or
is likely to be retrieved. "

Villars was not duped by the prescriptions
ef the faculty for the cure of diseases with
which I was not afflicted. He wrote to a
prisoner whom he sent back to me: " If you
belong to the army which Prince Eugene is
going to command, assure him of my respect.
I understand that he is going to the baths on
the 20th of June : but if I recollect right, he
was not formerly so attentive to his health.
We shall soon see what sort of baths he means
to use." I assembled my army of Austrians
and German allies at Coblentz, where I had a
long conference with the Elector of Treves.
The French had one hundred thousand men
in the Low Countries ; Marlborough had but
sixty thousand. I received orders to march
to his support: I directed my troops to pro-
ceed by forced marches, while I went post
royself, fearful lest a battle should be fought

PRINCE EUGENE. HI

without me. Cadogan came to Maestricht
to compliment me. He told me that the
French had surprised Ghent, Bruges, and
Plaskendall, and that my presence was want-
ed. I passed through Brussels, where my
interview with my mother, after a separation
of twenty-five years, was very tender, but
very short. I found Marlborough encamped
at Asch, between Brussels and Alost; and
learning that the enemy had their left on the
other side of the ©endre, I asked Marlborough
on my arrival if it was not his intention to
give battle. " I think I ought/' replied he
immediately ; ' ' and I find with pleasure, but
without astonishment, that we have both made
the reflection, that without this our commu-
nication with Brussels would be cut off: but
I should like to have waited for your troops."
" I would not advise you to wait," replied
I, ee for the French would have time to
retreat."

Vendome wanted to dispute the passage of
the Dendre. He told the Duke of Burgundy,
whom bad advisers persuaded to march to
Ghent: <c When you perceive in Prince

112 MEMOIRS OF

Eugene a desire to avoid an engagement, lie
knows how to force you to one.** This ex-
pression I saw in the vindication of his con-
duct, which he printed on his return to Paris.

Cadogan went to Oudenarde, and in a few
hours threw a bridge across the Scheldt. " It
is still time/' said Vendome to the Duke of
Burgundy, lf to discontinue your march, and
to attack, with the troops which we have here,
that part of the^llied army which has passed
the river." The duke hesitated, stopped on the
height of Gaveren, lost time, wouldhave turned
back, sent twenty squadrons to dispute the pas-
sage, recalled them, and said, " Let us march
to Ghent." cf It is too late," said Vendome,
" you cannot now : in half an hour, perhaps,
you will have the enemy upon you." " Why
then did you stop me?" rejoined the Duke
of Burgundy. " To begin the attack im-
mediately," replied he. " Cadogan yonder is
already master of the village of Hume ard of
six battalions. Let us draw up at least in the
best manner we can." Rantzau commenced
the attack. He overthrew a column of
cavalry, and would have been routed in his

PRINCE EUGENE. H3

turn, but for the electoral Prince of Hanover,
who in the conflict had his horse killed under
him. Grimaldi too early and injudiciously
ordered a charge. " What are you doing ? "
cried Vendome, coming up at full gallop*
"you are wrong/' — ff It is by the Duke of
Burguudy's orders/' replied he. The latter,
vexed at being contradicted, thought only
how to cross the other. Venddme was giving
orders to charge the left. "What are you
doing?" said the Duke of Burgundy: "I
forbid it ; there is an impassable ravine and
morass/' Let any one jadgeof the indigna-
tion of Vendome, who had passed over the
spot but a moment before. But for this mis-
understanding, we should perhaps have been
defeated ; for our cavalry was engaged a full
half hour before the infantry could join it.
For the same reason, I directed the village of
Hurne to be abandoned, that I might send the
battalions by which it was occupied to sup-
port the squadrons on the left wing. But the
Duke of Argyle arrived with all possible ex-
pedition, at the head of the English infantry,
and then came the Dutch, though much more
slowly. "Now," said I to Marlborough

H

11* MEMOIRS OF

'* we are in a condition to- fight." It was si*
in the evening of the 11th of July: we had
yet three hours of day-light. I was on the
right, at the head of the Prussians. Some
battalions turned their backs, on being at-
tacked with unequalled fury. They rallied,
retrieved their fault, and we recovered the
ground they had lost. The battle then became
general along the whole line. The spectacle
was magnificent. , It was one sheet of fire.
Our artillery made a powerful impression;
that of the French being injudiciously posted,
in consequence of the uncertainty which pre-
vailed in the army, on account of the disunion
of its commanders, produced very little effect.
With us it was quite the contrary; we loved
and esteemed one another. Even the Dutch
Marshal Ouverkerke, venerable for his age
and services, my old friend and Marlbo-
rough's, obeyed us, and fought to admira-
tion.

The following circumstance may serve to
prove our harmony. Matters were going ill
on the right, where I commanded. Marlbo-
rough, who perceived it3 sent me a rein-

PRINCE EUGENE. 115

forcemeat of eighteen battalions, without which
I should scarcely have been able to keep my
ground. I then advanced, and drove in the
first line; but at the head of the second I
found Vendome on foot; with a pike in his
hand, encouraging the troops. He made so
vigorous a resistance, that I should not have
succeeded but for Natzmer, at the head of
the King of Prussia's gendarmes^ who broke
through the line, and enabled me to obtain a
complete victory.

Marlborough purchased his more dearly
on the left* where he attacked in front, while
Ouverkerke dislodged the enemy from the
hedges and villages, Nassau, Fries, and Ox-
enstiern, drove the infantry beyond the defileg,
but they wrere roughly handled by the king's
household troops, who came to its assistance.
I rendered the same service to the duke. I
sent Tilly, who, making a considerable circuit,
took the brave household troops, which had
nearly snatched the victory from us, in the
rear : but this decided the business. The
darkness of the night prevented our pursuit,
and enabled me to execute a scheme for
u2

t IB MEMOIRS OF

increasing the number of our prisoners I
sent out drummers in different directions, with
orders to beat the retreat after the French
manner, and posted my French refugee officers,
with directions to shout on all sides: — Here
Picarchjl Here Champagne ! Here Piedmont!
The French soldiers flocked in, and I made a
good harvest of them: we took in all about seven
thousand. The Duke of Burgundy, and his evil
counsellors, had long before withdrawn. Ven-
dome collected the relics of the army ^and took
charge of the rear. (60)

As it was so dark that we had begun
to fire upon each other, Marlborough waited
for day-light, to attack the enemy before
he reached Ghent. His detachment found
liim but too soon. Vendome had posted his
grenadiers to the right and left of the high-
road, and they put our cavalry, which pur-
sued them, to the rout. Vendome by^this
saved the remnant of his army, which en-
tered Ghent in the utmost confusion, with
the Dukes of Burgundy and Berry, and the
Count of Toulouse. His presence stopped,
pacified, and cheered the soldiers.

PRINCE EUGENE, 117

They all held a council of war at the inn
called the Golden Jpple. The opinion of the
princes and their courtiers was, as usual, de-
testable. Vendome grew warm, expressed
his indignation at having been crossed by
them, and declared that, determined not
to be served in the same manner again,
he should order the army to encamp behind
the canal of Bruges at Lovendeghem, I pitied
him from the bottom of my heart, as I had
done the Elector of Bavaria, in 1704, and the
Duke of Orleans, in 1706.

As I was sure that Marlborough could
make no arrangements but what were excel-
lent, I went the day after the battle to see my
mother at Brussels. What tears of affection
did she shed on beholding me again with some
addition of glory ! I told her, however, that
Marlborough's portion seemed greater than
mine, as at Hochstett. The joy of revenge
mingled a little in that occasioned by our vic-
tory. She was glad to see the king humbled,
who had left her for another woman in his
youth, and exiled her in his old age ft is re-
markable that in lier's sh« married the Duke

118 MEMOIRS OF

D'Ursel, without assuming his name. No-
body knew this : it could not have been a
match of conscience or convenience, but pro-
bably of ennui and idleness. We could not
help being rather merry on the subject of his
former devices and his Place des Victoires.

The fifteen days which I thus passed with
her were the most agreeable of my life. I
parted from her with the more pain, as it was
probable that we should not see each other
again. On the last day of my visit the troops
from the Moselle arrived. We were then as
strong as the French. I sent eight battalions
to reinforce Marlborough's corps, which eo-
Tered Flanders. I left the rest to cover Brus-
sels, and rejoined him at the camp of Elchin-
He, Ouverkerke, and myself agreed, upon
sending a strong detachment to lay waste Ar-
tois and Picardy, and thus compel Vendome
to leave his camp. Vendome, who guessed
our intention, remained immoveable. I pro-
posed the siege of Lisle: the deputies of the
states-general thought fit to be of a different
opinion : Marlborough was with me, and they
were obliged to hold their tongues. The siege

PRINCE EUGENE. J 19

was committed to me, while Marlborough was
to cover it against the army of the Duke of Bur-
guudy. The latter, with sixty thousand men,
encamped near Pont des Pienes; and I, with
forty thousand, after investing the city, took up
my head-quarters at the Abbey of Loos, on the
J 3th of August. The brave and skilful Bouf-
flers,(61)with a garrison of sixteen battalions,
and four regiments of dragoons, cut out plenty
of work for me. The job, so far from being
easy, was a dangerous one; for Mons was not
in our possession. My first attack on Fort Ca-
telen was repulsed ; the works undertaken the
same day, to drain a large pond which was in
my way, also failed. I ordered epaulements
to be made, for the fire of the place annoyed
us to such a degree, that a cannon-ball carried
off the head of the valet of the Prince of
Orange, at the moment when he was putting
on his master's shirt. It may easily be sup-
posed that he was obliged to take another, and
to shift his quarters. I opened the trenches,
and on the §3rd the besieged made a sortie,
when Lieutenant-general Betendorff, who com-
manded there, was taken prisoner. Boufflers
treated him exceedingly well. The festival of
St. Louis, which he celebrated with three ge-

120 MEMOIRS OF

neral discharges of all his artillery, cost us
some men. In the night, between the 26th
and 27th, the besieged made a terrible sortie ;
I gained the post of the mill of St. Andrew ;
Bouflrlers retook it ; and I there lost six hun-
dred men.

Marlborough sent me word that Berwick,
(62) having reinforced the Dukeof Burgundy,
the army, now one hundred and twenty thou-
sand strong, was marching to the relief of
Lisle. The deputies of the states-general,
always interfering in every thing, and always
dying of fear, asked me for a reinforce-
ment for him. I went to his camp to offer
him one : he said, " Let us go together,
and reconnoitre the ground between the
Deule and the Marck." After we had exa-
mined it, he said, " I have no occasion for
one, I shall only move my camp nearer to
your's." Vcndome proposed not to lose a day,
but instantly to attack the army of observa-
tion, and the besieging force. " I cannot/' said
the Duke of Burgundy ; <e I have sent a cou-
rier to my grandfather to enquire his plea-
sure." Conferences were held at Versailles,
and the king sent his booby Chamillard (63)

PRINCE EUGENE. 121

to his grandson's camp ; he went up with him
into the steeple of the village of Sedin, to view
our two armies,, and decided against giving
us battle.

I cannot imagine how Vendome could help
running mad ; another,, with less zeal, would
have sent every thing to the devil ; and he, a
better grandson of a King of France than the
other, took the trouble, the day before, to go
so close to Marlborough's position to recon-
noitre, that he was grazed by a cannon-balL
I had returned to Marlborough's camp to be
his volunteer, if he had been attacked.

But, while I think of it, a Chamillard, that
is, in one word, a young prince of no character,
and an old king who had lost his^ were quite
sufficient to fill Vendome's heart with rage.
He was obliged by them to retreat, as if he had
been beaten. I continued the siege, sure of
not being interrupted, and took the redoubt of
the gate of Flanders, and some others; but
after three hours' fighting for one of the most
important, I was repulsed and pursued to
my trenches. I scarcely stirred from them,

222 MEMOIRS OF

having the King of Poland and all my young
princes at my side,, for it was necessary to set
an example, and to give orders. I directed
two assaults to be made, to facilitate the tak-
ing of the covered way; still repulsed, but
a horrible carnage. Five thousand English,
sent me by Marlborough to retrieve my losses,
performed wonders, but were thrown into dis-
order. We heard the cry of Vive le Roi et
Boufflers ! I said a few wqrds in English to
those brave fellows who rallied round me; I
led them back into the fire; but a ball below
the left eye knocked me down senseless. Every
body thought me dead, and so did I too. They
found a dung-cart, in which I was conveyed
to my quarters; first my life, and then my
sight was despaired of. I recovered both.
The ball had struck me obliquely. Here was
another unsuccessful attack; out of five thou-
sand men, not fifteen hundred returned ; and
twelve hundred workmen were there killed.

Being prevented for some time by my wound
from interfering in any thing, I left the com-
mand of the siege to Marlborough, who deli-
vered his to Ouverkerke. He effected a lodg-

PRINCE EVGENE. 123

ment in a tenaillon on the left, but a mine
baffled the assault and the assailants. Marl-
borough countermined some, and took all
possible pains to spare me trouble on my
return. He obliged me to dine in public, in
order to cheer my army, and returned to his
own.

The Chevalier de Luxemburg eluded me,
and introduced ammunition, of which the
besieged were in great want; (64) and a captain,
named Dubois, eluded me, and swam with a
note frorn Boufflers to the Duke of Burgundy,
informing him, that though the trenches had
been open forty days, I was not yet completely
master of any of the works. " Nevertheless,
Monseigneur," added he, <c I cannot hold out
beyond the 15th or 20th of October."

1 was in want of powder. A single letter
from Marlborough to his friend Queen Anne
occasioned a quantity to be sent me, with
fourteen battalions, by the fleet of Vice-admi-
ral Byng, who landed them at Ostend. Everv
body is acquainted with the stupidity of La-
motte, ( 65 ) wrhonot only suffered this convoy to

*24 MEMOIRS OF

reach me, but got a sound drubbing for his
whole corps that was intended to prevent it.
Being completely recovered from my wound,
I was night and day at the works, which
Boufflers, also present every where, was in-
cessantly interrupting or annoying.

I bethought me of a stratagem to give fre-
quent alarms for several nights at a half-
moon, with a view to attack it afterwards in
open day, being persuaded that the wearied
soldiers would take that time for repose. This
scheme succeeded. I ordered an assault upon
a salient angle, and that succeeded . I directed
the covered way to be attacked, and was again
successful. I thence made a breach in the
curtain, and enlarged another in a bastion ;
and when I was at length working at the de-
scent of the ditch, the marshal, who had every
day invented some new artifice; sometimes
tin boxes, at others, eartheapots, filled with
grenades, and done all that science could sug-
gest, offered to capitulate on the 22nd of Sep-
tember, without mentioning any conditions.
I promised to sign such as he should propose
to me. " Thi?, M. lc Marechal/' so I wrote

PRINCE EUGENE. 125

to him, cf is to show you my perfect regard for
jour person, and I am sure that a brave man
like you will not abuse it. I congratulate you
on your excellent defence/'

My council of war, which I summoned
out of politeness, objected to the article that
the citadel should not be attacked on the side
next the town. I yielded, having my plan in
my head, and wrote to Boufflers : " Certain
reasons, M. Le Marechal, prevent me from
signing this article, but I give you my word
of honor to observe it. I hope in six weeks
to give you fresh proofs of my admiration."
Boufflers retired into the citadel, and I en-
tered the town with Marlborough, the King
of Poland, the Landgrave of Hesse, &c. In
the morning we went to church, and at night
to the play ; and all the business of the capitu-
lation being finished on the 29th of October,
I the same day ordered the trenches to be
opened before the citadel.

Before I proceed to this siege, I ought to
relate a circumstance which happened to me
during that of the city. A clerk of the post-

126 MEMOIRS Of

office wrote to the secretary of general Dopf,
desiring him to deliver to me two letters, one
from the Hague, and the other I know not
whence. I opened the latter, and found no-
thing but a greasy paper. Persuaded, as I
still am, that it was a mistake, or something
of no consequence, which I might perhaps
have been able to read had I taken the trouble
to hold the paper to the lire, I threw it away.
Somebody picked it up, and it was said that
a dog about whose Deck it was tied died
poisoned in the spacy of twenty- four hours.
What makes me think this untrue, is, that
at Versailles they were too generous, and at
Vienna too religious, for such a trick.

The ninth day the besieged made a vigorous
sortie. The Prince of Brunswick, who re-
pulsed it, received a wound from a musket-ball
in the head. The eleventh, a still more vigor*
ous sortie of the Chevalier de Luxembourg,
who drove my troops from the branches of
the trenches, and made us fall. back to St.
Catherine's. Ah excellent officer of my staff
had his head shot off by a cannon-ball by my
side. The enemy lost a great number of men

PRINCE EUGENE. 127

before be returned to the citadel. I caused
every thing to be repaired.

I was now suddenly obliged to abandon
the siege., leaving the direction of it to "Prince
Alexander of Wiirtemberg. The Elector of
Bavaria was engaged in that of Brussels,
Marlborough and I made him raise it after a
pretty battle, and some excellent, well-com-
bined manoeuvres, of which he had all the
honor, for I could not pas9 the Scheldt wliere
I wanted. The Elector of Bavaria was some-
what ashamed. The French princes would
have been so too, had not their joy on return-
ing to Versailles prevented them.

I went back to the siege; but what a
change ! The marshal had taken advantage of
my absence to drive the besiegers from the
first covered way, of which I had left them in
possession. After regaining it, as well as
the other posts that had been abandoned, I
wrote as follows to the brave BoufHers : f{ The
French army, M. le Marechal, has retired
toward Tburnay, the Elector of Bavaria to
Namur, and the princes to their courts. Spars

128 MEMOIRS OF

yourself and your brave garrison ; I will again
sign whatever you please." His answer was :
<s There is yet no occasion to be in a hurry.
Permit me to defend myself as long as I can.
I have still enough left to do to render myself
more worthy of the esteem of the man whom
I respect above all others/' I gave orders
for the assault of the second covered way.
The King of France apparently anticipated
this, for he wrote to the marshal to surrender.
Notwithstanding his repugnance to such a
step, lie was on the point of obeying, when,
in a note which the Duke of Burgundy had
subjoined to the king's letter, he read : " I
know from a certain quarter that they want
to make you a prisoner of war." I know not
where he picked up this information; but that
prince, respectable as he was in peace, could
neither say nor do any but foolish things in
war. This note however produced some im-
pression for a moment. Generals, soldiers,
and all, swore rather to perish in the breach.
Bou filers wept for joy, as I have been tqlcj ;
and when on the point of embracing this
alternative, he recollected my note, which ^ot
the better of the Duke of Burgundy's ; and

PRINCE EUGENE. 129

after the trenches had been opened four months
before the city and citadel, he sent me on the
Sth of December all the articles that he wish-
ed me to sign, which I did without any re-
striction. I went very soon with the Prince
of Orange to pa v him a visit, and in truth to do
homage to his merit. [66) I cordially embraced
him, and accepted an invitation to supper;
4f On condition/' said I, " that it be that of
a famished citadel, to see what you may eat
without an express order from the king."
Roasted horse-flesh was set before us; the
epicures in my suite were far from relishing
the joke, but were quickly consoled by the
arrival of provisions from the city, on which
we made an excellent repast.

The following day I gave him as good
a dinner as I could, at my abbey, where he
paid me a visit. We were very merry and
communicative. We talked of war, politics,
and Louis XIV. Respecting the last, I was
on my guard ; I spoke only of his great qua-
lities, and requested the marshal to lay me
at his feet. On this subject I was highly
amused with the flatteries of the states-gene-

130 MEMOIRS OF

ral, who thinking themselves very cunning,
were in hopes by these means to dispose him
to peace, of which they were ardently de-
sirous. I durst not be alone a moment with
the marshal, lest idle stories should be circu-
lated respecting us ; and one or the other
might appear suspicious to our courts, where
one is always sure to have good friends, who
are never asleep. After manifesting my con-
sideration for the illustrious vanquished, when-
ever we were together, at the play, and when
we went abroad in the streets, where I ob-
served that he was universally adored, I caused
him and his brave garrison to be conducted to
Douay, with a large escort and all possible
honors.

In one of our conversations I said to him ;
ct If you could have been both within the
place and without at the same time, M. le
Marechal, and if no, other princes of France
had been there but M. de Vendome, to whom
I gi\c that title out of love to Henry IV. I
should never have taken Lisle."

" Do you believe in good luck in war?"

PRINCE EUGENE. 131

said he ; " I see nothing in you but good ma-
nagement. " — <c If I have occasionally shewn
some/' replied I, " it is because I have been
fortunate enough to be opposed by bad gene-
rals ; and that is good luck." — (( In my opi-
nion,0 said the marshal, Cf bad luck consists
only in the want of opportunity to distinguish
one's self: but a beaten general is always in
the wrong, without some extraordinary acci
dent, such as an order misunderstood, or the
death of the messenger; he may then have
some excuse, but there is none for the general
who is surprised and defeated. The ignorant
alone make war a game of chance, and they
are caught at last. Charles XII. is not one
of these; but I see by the news which I have
this morning received, that while we are speak-
ing, he is playing very deep." (67 )

After retaking Ghent and Bruges, Marlbo-
rough and I put our troops in winter-quarters,
and went for a month to Brussels; but mv
mother was no longer there.

i2

f32 MEMOIRS OF

1700.

January the 9th, we set out for the Hague.
It was nothing but a series of honors and
festivities ; presents for Marlborough, and
fire-works for me. But I prevented a mag-
nificent exhibition, by requesting the states-
general to give the money it was to have cost
to their brave soldiers, whom I had caused to
be crippled: and the 20th of January I set
©IF for Vienna, to report and ask for farther
orders.

I was directed to make peace, if the enemy
would comply with all my demands. I re-
turned on the 8th of April to the Hague,
where I found the plenipotentiaries of the
King of France. Famine, a winter more se-
vere than had ever been known, want of men
and money, made him wish for peace; but the
vaaquished forget that they are such, as soon
as they enter into negociation. They mistake
obstinacy for firmness, and at last get more
soundly beaten than before,

PRINCE EUGENE. 133

One hundred thousand men were again un-
der Marlborough's command and mine in the
Low Countries ; and the same number under
Villars. if I am going," said he to the king
on taking leave, <( to drive your enemies so far,
that they shall not again see the banks of the
Scheldt; and by a battle on my arrival, to re.
gain all that has been taken from your majesty."

Without wishing to avoid one, for he was
morally and physically brave, he took an ex-
tremely advantageous position : this was one of
his great talents; he wanted very little to be
a perfect general. With reinforcements,
which poured in to us on all sides, we were
stronger than he, but there was no possibility
of attacking him where he was. To oblige
him to quit his position, we resolved to besiege
Tournay. The trenches were opened on the
7th of July, the white flag was hoisted on
the 28th, and on the 21st of August, after
the most terrible subterraneous war that I ever
witnessed (for in twenty-six days, the be-
sieged sprung thirty-eight mines), the citadel
surrendered. Villars never stirred. "Let us
go and take Mens," said I to Marlborough ;

134 MEMOIRS OF

"perhaps this devil of a fellow will tire of
being so prudent." Madame de Maintenon
did not give him credit for so much prudence
as he possessed, though she was very fond of
him ; for she permitted Louis XIV. to send
Marshal BoufBers to assist him. Certain ene-
mies of Villars, at Versailles,, hoped to disgust
"him; but I have already proved, that brave
men agree, and love and esteem each other.
The two marshals would gladly have saved
Mons without risking a battle ; we stood upon
ceremony to know which party should oblige
the other to give it. As soon as our troops from
Tournay had arrived : " Let us lose no time/'
said I; "and in spite of one hundred and twenty
thousand men, woods, hedges, villages, holes,
triple entrenchments, a hundred pieces of can-
non and abattis, let us put an end to the war
in one day."

The deputies of Holland, and some faint-
hearted generals, objected, remonstrated, and
annoyed nie. It was of no use to tell them
that the excellent veteran French soldiers were
killed iu the six or seven battles which Marl-
borough and I had gained ; aud though I well

PRINCE EUGENE. 135

knew that young ones are formed but too ex-
peditiously, an advantage in which they are
superior to all other nations, we determined
upon the battle of Malplaquet. {68) The'llth
of September a thick fog concealed our dispo-
sitions from the marshals; we dispelled it at
eight in the morning, by a general discharge
of all our artillery. This military music was
succeeded by that of hautboys, drums, fifes,
and trumpets, with which I treated both ar-
mies. We then saw Villars proceedingthrough
all the ranks. As the French can never hear
enough of their king; "My friends,0 said
he to them, as I have been told, "Nthe king
commands me to fight : are you not very glad
of it ? " He was answered with shouts of—
Long live the king and M. de Villars ! I at-
tacked the wood of Sars without shouting. I
rallied the English guards, who, at the be-
ginning, were scattered; some from too much
courage, and others from a contrary reason :
my German battalions supported them. We
had nevertheless been overwhelmed, but for
the Dukeof Argyle, who boldly c.i the

parapet of the entrenchment, made a naster
of the wood. All this procured me a ball

156 MEMOIRS OF

behind the ear ; and on account of the quan-
tity of blood which I lost, all those about me
advised me to have the wound dressed. " If
I am beaten/* I replied, "it will not be worth
while; and if the French are, I shall have
plenty of time for that." What could I have
done better than to seek death, after all the
responsibility which I had again taken upon
myself on this occasion ? I beg pardon for this
digression and personality ; but one cannot
help being a man. To endeavour to repair
faults committed, is, I acknowledge, more
noble ; but to survive one's glory is dreadful.
My business on the right going on well, I
wished to decide that of the duke on the left,
which proceeded but slowly. In vain the
Prince of Orange had planted a standard on
the third entrenchment; almost the whole
Dutch corps was extended on the ground,
killed or wounded. For six hours Marlbo-
rough was engaged with the centre and the
left, without any decisive advantage. My
cavalry, which I sent to his, succour, was
overthrown on the way by the king's house-
hold troops, as they were in their turn by a
batterv which took them in flank. At length

PRINCE EUGENE. 137

Marlborough had gained ground without
me ; so that it was easy for me to turn the
centre of the enemy's army, which had been
left unsupported in consequence of the defeat
of the wings. Bouffliers rendered the same
service to Villars as I did to Marlborough,
and when he beheld him fall from his horse,
dangerously wounded below the knee, (69) and
the victory snatched from them, he thought
of nothing but how to make the finest retreat
in the best possible order. I think it is not
too much to estimate the loss of both armies
at forty thousand men : those who were not
killed died of fatigue. I gave some rest to
the remains of my troops, buried all I could,
and then marched to Mons.

There were but five thousand men in that
place. I opened the trenches on the 25th of
September, and on the 22d of October, being
on the point of assaulting the horn-work of
Bertamont, Grimaldi capitulated. Our troops
went into winter-quarters ; and I, being obliged
to post about without intermission, proceeded
with Marlborough to the Hague, to coax the
states-general, who were ready to abandon our

133 MEMOIRS OF

cause. I advised them to say at the conference
of Gertruidenberg, that they would not hear
of peace unless it were general. 'Tis a good
way to protract a war; for out of four or five
powers, you may wager that there is one
whose interest it is not to make peace, I was
sure of Queen Anne, because I was sure of
Marlborough; he seconded me admirably. I
went to report to the emperor. I submitted
to him a sketch of the state of Europe, of
which I could see that his cabinet had not the
least idea. I stated the inclination which I
observed in several powers to forsake us. At
a distance from danger, people are courageous.
I was told that I should make a glorious cam-
paign. I replied that I had lost more men
than could be given me ; but yet I would try
what I could do.

I collected three hundred thousand florins
for my army, which had for a long time been
unpaid, and as many recruits as I could to
reinforce Heister against the Hungarian re-
bels, whom they had neither the abilities to
beat, nor the good sense to pacify. I soon
returned to the Lo\y Countries, by way of
Berlin, whgre I alighted the 1st of April,

PRINCE EUGENE. * 139

1710,

at the Louse of my good friend, the Prince of
Anhalt Dessau. It was necessary to prevent
tjie King of Prussia, who imagined that the
Swedish monarch would cut out work for
him, from withdrawing his troops from Italy,
where the Duke of Savoy, meditating an in"
vasion of Dauphine, stood in need of them.

Frederic William promised me that ther
should remain. I demonstrated to him that
since the battle of Pultawa there was no
Charles XII. and that he was the prisoner of
his friends the Turks.

I was sorry for it ; for he never could have
been a Gustavus Adolphus, who made the
empire tremble; but I wished the aggrandize-
ment of Russia to be prevented, and looked
upon Sweden as a counterpoise for maintaining
the equilibrium of Europe. The King of
Prussia gave me a fine sword, and a snuff-box
worth twenty-four thousand florins, which
was a great deal for a prince both poor and
avaricious. I proceeded on the 15th of April

140 MEMOIRS OF

to join Marlborough at the Hague • and on
arriving in Flanders, we found the Fre
lines, from Maubeuge to Ypres, carried by
Cumberland. We went to laj siege to Douai.

My equipages, coming from Holland by
water, were taken by a French partizan near
Antwerp : plate, boxes, and the presents
which I had just received. Louis XIV. pro-
bably from the impression made upon him by
the respectful message which I had sent by
the Marshal de Boufflers, ordered the whole
to be restored to me. I gave five hundred
ducats and a gold-hilted sword to the par-
tizan. I caused the trenches to be opened in
the night between the 5th and 6th of May.
Albergotti made a vigorous sally on the 8th,
which gave me a good deal of trouble. No
governor ever made so many sorties : he some-
times made four in a day.

Villars, having recovered from his wound,
arrived from Paris to oblige us to raise the
siege. We took a good position, and though
it was not so strong as that which he had oc-
cupied at Malplaquet, the preceding year,
yet he respected it. The many battles and

PRINCE EUGENE. 141

towns lost by the French since the commence-
ment of the century, had rendered them cau-
tious, and Villars too; (70) that is saying a
great deal. On the 24th of June, Douai
surrendered.

It came to my turn to be cautious likewise.
I designed to take Arras, and then there would
have been nothing to prevent my marching
to Paris ; but Villars frustrated my plan, by
taking an excellent position, where I durst
not attack him. I consoled myself by the
reduction of Bethune, which was the busi-
ness of eight days. On the 14th of August
we gained a tolerable advantage. Villars,
alway courageous in his own person, when
he could not be so with his army, gave Brog-
lio five hundred horse to cut off a large fo-
raging party, and marched himself at the
head of fifty squadrons to support him. Brog-
lio, eager for the attack, fell into an ambus-
cade, and Villars returned extremely mor-
tified.

Malborough had a strong desire to attack
him. I said to him; " I will wager that it

142 MEMOIRS OF

is not to be done: but let us reconnoitre him."
— " Well then/' said he, finding this ta be
the case, "let us go on taking towns." On
the 16th we opened the trenches before St.
Venant, and on the 28th it capitulated.

The siege of Aix did not proceed so ra-
pidly ; it was not till the beginning of No-
vember, that, after great efforts of valor on
both sides, the besiegers carried the covered
way. The brave Goebriant nevertheless de-
fended himself till the 8th. We went into
winter-quarters. The Hague being the head
of the coalition, which I saw every moment
ready to tumble to pieces, I went thither again
with Malborough, and returned to Vienna on
the 26th of January.

1711.

I there found the emperor and his ministers
still undecided between their private haughti-
ness and the public interest. ce A baiter or a
ribbon, in one word," said I, "for Ragqtzi
and Caroli. Put an end to this tedious rebel-

PRINCE EUGENE. 143 -

lion; (71) you may do it cheaply, for the Turk*
are going to march in behalf of Charles XII ;
and unless Peter I. commits some egregious
folly, he will find them employment for a long
time.

They sent to me — I may say to me, because
they have a notion that the president of war
is the grand vizir — a minister named Zephala
Aga, to assure the emperor that they had no
quarrel with him ; but that it was the Rus-
sians on whom his highness, as he said, was
going to take vengeance, for reasons known
tcf the whole world. These were his own
words.

Joseph I. was attacked with the small-pox.
There were no good physicians at Vienna,
They sent to Lintz for one. It came out in
such abundance, that I thought him out of
danger. Before my departure for the Low
Countries, I would have taken leave of him ;
he sent me word that I had but too much ex-
posed my life for him already, and that he
wanted it elsewhere than for the small-pox.
I insisted no farther, and set oif on the \6ik

144 MEMOIRS OF

of April. Three days afterwards I was in-
formed of his death, occasioned by the igno-
rance of the faculty of Upper and Lower
Austria, who disputed all night about the
means of relieving an inflammation of the
bowels, with which the emperor was afflict-
ed. I sincerely regretted this prince, aged
thirty-three: the first since Charles V. who
possessed genius, and was not superstitious;
and I determined to serve him even after his
death. I hurried to almost all the electors to
dispose them to ensure the imperial crown to
his brother, and then went to solicit the
Dutch to continue their credit in money
and friendship to Charles III. King of
Spain, who became by the title of Emperor
Charles VI.

The protestants did not fail to give out
that the Court of Rome, which had suffered
some humiliations from Joseph I. had bribed
his physicians; but no credit should be at-
tached to defamatory libels, to private anec-
dotes, as they are called, and to malicious
doubts. It has long been the fashion to assert
that great personages die of poison. ( 72)

PRINCE EUGENE. 145

Tallard, more dangerous in peace than in
war, whom I would not have left prisoner in
England could I have suspected that he would
there acquire any influence, enabled the
Tories to triumph, and crush the Whigs. His
assiduous attention to Mrs. Marsham, the
queen's new favorite, instead of the Duchess
of Marlborough, his insinuating manners, and
his presents of Burgundy and Champagne
to Right Honourable members of parliament,
who were amateurs of those wines, changed
the aspect of European affairs, and then a
M. Menager, who was sent to that country
by Louis XIV. The consequences will be
teen presently. (78)

Marlborough was playing his last game in
the Low Countries. He found means to finish
his military career therewith glory; he forced
the French lines behind the Senzee, and took
the city of Bouchain.

On the disgrace of the duchess, a thousand
faults were discovered in him. His pride
was denominated insolence, and his rather too
great economy was called peculation and ex-

145 MEMOIRS OF

tortion. His friends, as may be supposed,
behaved like friends; and that is saying suf-
ficient. He was recalled : to me this was a
thunderbolt. The French assembled on the
Rhine : I sent Vehlen with a strong detach-
ment from the Low Countries, and leaving
the Hague on the 19th of July, I collected as
expeditiously as possible all the troops I could
at Frankfurt, and took so good a position in
a. camp near Miihlberg, as to cause to be held
and to cover the election to the imperial crown,
which would have been lost had I received a
check. The French durst not disturb it ; this
was for me a campaign of prudence rather than
of glory. „

Queen Anne threw off all restraint. She
had given an unfavorable reception to the
Dutch ambassador, and had forbidden Gallas,
the imperial minister, her court; assigning as
a reason certain expressions which he was said
to have used respecting her. Charles VI. or-
dered me to repair the blunders of Gallas, if
he had committed any, and to regain the court
of St. James's. (74)

PRINCE EUGENE. m

Had I acted as my good cousin Victor
Amedasus would have done in my place, I
should have cried out against Marlborough
still more loudly than his enemies, and have
refused to see him. But from policy itself,
persons of narrow minds ought to counterfeit
feeling. Their designs are too easily seen
through. They are despised and miss their
object. Gratitude, esteem, the partnership in
80 many military operations, and pity for a
person in disgrace, caused me to throw my*
self with emotion into Marlborough's arms.
Besides, on such occasions, the heart proves
victorious. The people, who followed me
every where from the moment I set foot in
London, perceived it, and liked me the better
for this : while the Opposition, and the
honest part of the court, esteemed me the
more. In one way or other, all was over for
Austria. I coaxed the people in power a good
deal. I made presents; there is scarcely any
thing but what may be bought in England. I
offered to procure the recal of Gallas. I deli-
vered a memorial on this subject, and request-
ed the queen to take other bases at the con-
gress of Utrecht, where her plenipotentiaries

tl2

148 MEMOIRS OF

already were, that the emperor might be ena-
bled to send his thither. I received so vague
a reply, that had the court of Vienna believed
me, they would not have reckoned at all upon
the feeble succour of the Duke of Ormond,
who set out to command the English, as
successor to the Duke of Marlborough, and I
should not have lost the battle of Denain.
Tfiis happened in the following manner: Not-
withstanding my distinguished reception from
the queen, who, at my departure, presented
me with her portrait, I went and told the
states-general that we had now nobody on
whom we could rely but themselves ; and
passing through Utrecht to make my obser-
vations, I found the tone cf the French so
altered, so elevated, that I was more certain
than ever of the truth of what I had an-
nounced, On my arrival at the Abbey of
Anchin, where I assembled my army, amount-
ing to upwards of one hundred thousand men,
Ormond came and made me the fairest pro-
mises, and had the gijodiressi to consent to my
passing the Scheldt below Bouchain. But
after feigning to agree to the siege of
Quesnoi, he first strove to dissuade me from

PRINCE EUGENE. 149

that step, and then, without reserve, refused
to concur in it. I said to him : " Well, sir,
I will do without your eighteen thousand
men." " I shall lead them," said he, " to
take possession of Dunkirk, which the French
are to deliver to me,." " I congratulate the
two nations/' replied I, '"on this operation,
which will do equal honor to both. Adieu,
sir." He ordered all the troops in the pay of
England to follow him. Very few obeyed.
I had foreseen the blow, and had made sure
of the Prince of Anhalt, and the Prince of
Hesse Cassel.

.July the 30th, I took Quesnoi. I gave the
direction of the siege of Landrecy to the
Prince of Anhalt, and entered the lines which
I had directed to be formed between Mar-
chiennes and Denain. The Dutch bad col-
lected large stores of ammunition and provi-
sions at Marchiennes. In vain I represented
to them that they would be better at Quesnoi,
only three leagues from Landrecy, and but
ten from us ; the economy of these gentle-
men opposed the change. This made me say

150 MEMOIRS OF

peevishly, and as I have been told, with an
oath, one day when Alexander's conquests
were the subject of conversation : " He bad no
Dutch deputies with his army." I ordered
twenty of their battalions, and ten squadrons
tinder the command of the Earl of Albe-
marle, to enter the lines, and approached
Quesnoi, with the main body of my army, to
watch the motions of Villars. During- all these
shuffling tricks, of which I foresaw that I
should be the dupe, and which Louis XIV.
knew nothing of, I made him tremble upon
his throne. At a very small distance from Ver-
sailles, one of my partizans carried off Beren-
ghen, under the idea that it was the dauphin :
others pillaged Champagne and Lorraine.
Growenstein, with two thousand horse, levied
contributions all over the country, spreading
dismay, and declaring that I was at his heels
with my army. It was then that he is reported
to have said : " If Landrecy is taken, I will
put myself at the head of my nobility, and
perish rather than see my kingdom lost."
Would he have done so? I cannot tell. H«
wanted once to leave the trenches, but was dis-

PRINCE EUGENE. 151

suaded. Henry IV. when formerly the con~
trary advice was given him, made the sign of
the cross, and remained where he was.

Villars thinking himself not strong enough
to attack me, as I had hoped he would, at-
tempted the deliverance of Denain in another
way. I have mentioned my vexation respect-
ing the magazines at Marchiennes, upon which
depended the continuation of the siege. Two
leagues of ground were too much for the
Dutch corps. But for the defection of the
English, they might have been defended.
The following circumstance demonstrated the
talents of Villars, and a kind of fault with
which I had to reproach myself: to conceal
a movement made on his left towards the
Scheldt, with the greatest possible secrecy
and celerity, he with his right drew my atten-
tion to Landrecy, as if he designed to attack
the lines of countervallation. All at once he
drew back his right towards his left, which
during the night had easily thrown bridges
across the Scheldt, which is not wide at this
place. These two wings united, advanced
unknown to the Earl of Albemarle, who at-

15S MEMOIRS OF

tempted with his cavalry, but in vain, to fight
what had passed. He relied upon me, but I
reckoned upon him. On the first firing of
his artillery, I marched to his succour, with a
strong detachment of dragoons, at full trot,
intending to make them dismount, if necessary,
and followed by my infantry, which came up
at a quick pace. The cowardice of the Dutch
rendered my efforts unavailing. Had they
but maintained themselves half an hour in the
post of Denain, I had been in time. So I had
calculated, in case of the worst, though I was
deceived by the manoeuvre of Villars.

I found only eight hundred men, and three
or four generals drowned in the Scheldt; and
all those who had been surprised in their
entrenchments, killed without making any
defence. Albemarle, and all the princes and
generals in the Dutch ser'/ice, were taken
prisoners, while endeavoring to rally their
troops. The conduct of the former was re-
presented in very black colors to the states-
general. I wrote to Heinsius, the pensionary:
, " It would be my province, sir, to throw the
faults or the disasters of that day on the Earl

PRINCE EUGENE. 153

of Albemarle, if I had a single reproach to
make him. He behaved like a man of
honor, but I defy the ablest general to ex-
tricate himself when his troops, after a vile
discharge, ignominiously run away. Youj
obstinacy in leaving your magazines at Mar-
chiennes is the cause of all this. Assure
their high mightinesses of the truth of what
I write you, of my dissatisfaction and pro-^
found mortification." (75)

I was obliged to raise the siege of Landrecy,
and to approach Mons, for the purpose of
subsisting my army ; so that I could not pre-
vent Villars from retaking Douay, (76) Ques-
noi, 'and Bouchain.

I often examine myself with the utmost
possible strictness. It appears to me, that if
I had placed twenty battalions more in the
lines, which would have been necessary to
defend them, Villars, who was stronger than
I, would then have beaten me. Out of the
lines, posted as I was, I provided for every
contingency. Could I expect that an hour at
the utmost, more or less, would be decisive of,

154 MEMOIRS OF

my glory, of the war, and of the salvation of
France ? The artillery of the lines, which were
thickly planted with it, ought alone to have
given me time to come up. Instead of being
well served, it was abandoned in as cowardly a
manner as the entrenchments. The two faults
which I committed were, not disregarding
the remonstrances of the deputies respecting
Marchienncs, and confiding a post of such
importance to their troops, the flower of which
had perished at Malplaquet.

Unfortunate in Hainault, I prepared all
things for being successful in Flanders, at
the beginning of the next campaign, and con-
cluded this by sending a detachment to sur-
prise Fort Kenoque. What a paltry com-
pensation ! but one must work sometimes for
the newspapers.

It may easily be supposed, that I was the
subject of criticism at Vienna, London, and
the Hague, and of songs at Paris. Here is
one which I thought pretty, because it gives
my history in very few words :

PRINCE EUGENE. 1>S

Eugene, op'ning the campaign,

Swore with air most furious,
He'd march straightway to Champagne,

To swig our wines so curious.
The Dutchman for this journey gay,
His cheese to Marchiennes sent away ;
But Villars, nVd with glory, cried:
" Faith, where you are you'd better 'bide:
Scheldt's muddy water is, I think,
Quite good enough for you to drink."

I went to Utrecht to see how the negotia-
tions proceeded. England, Savoy, Portugal,
and Prussia, were ready to sign their treaties ;
and Holland hung only by a thread.

I set out for Vienna to report this to the
emperor. On my arrival, Charles VI. said to
me: <c You are right; Holland has just
signed too. So Zinzendorf informs me ; and
he has sent me the proposals of France, to
which you will certainly not advise me to
agree." <c Your Majesty does me justice/5 1
replied. ec We will obtain neutrality for the
Low Countries ; and with the troops which
you will order thence, as well as from Naples
and Lombardy, we shall be able to keep the
French in check on the Rhine.

156 MEMOIRS OF

I hastened to all the states and courts of
the empire to collect men and money. I pro-
cured three millions of crowns in one quarter,
and a million of florins in another. But the
tardiness of the princes and circles in march-
ing from their quarters prevented me from
anticipating the French on the Upper Rhine.
Charles VI. manifested a desire to command
his army in person. I represented to him
that he could gain no honor by it. My opi-
nion was buTtoo well-founded. As I clearly
perceived that Villars meant to make an at-
tempt on Landau, I ordered lines to be form*
ed at Etlingen, within which I sent one-half
oi^ my army, and posted the other at Miihl-
berg, where I hoped my reinforcements
would arrive before the fall of Landau ; but
the Prince of Wiirtemberg was obliged to
capitulate.

-Still I was in hopes of preventing the
French from besieging Friburg. I took
possession of all the defiles of the mountains-
I threw up entrenchments, formed abattis,
and erected redoubts at all the principal
points. The inferiority of my force made m«

PRINCE EUGENE. J 57

fear that the peace, which must necessarily
be soon concluded, would be detestable : I
called in all my troops, leaving only eigh-
teen thousand with Vaubonne, to defend the
passage of the mountains (77) Villars attack-
ed the heights with his grenadiers. The
troops of the circles, which I had placed
behind the ahattis. behaved, like the Dutch at
Denain, and ran away at the first fire. The
Duke of Bourbon and the Prince of Conti
began the attack of the defiles at seven in
the evening. Vaubonne, hurried away by the
fugitives, could not rally them till they were
at such a distance that he could not regain hit
entrenchments, and contented himself with
throwing twelve battalions into Friburg.
After so many battles during a period of thir-
teen years, the emperor's troops themselves
were but raw recruits. The best of my
entrenchments at Hohlgraben being forced,
there was nothing to check Villars in his
march across the Black Forest, and he opened
the trenches before Friburg on the 1st of
October. Harsch disputed every inch of
ground. In the night between the 14th and
15th, the covered way was taken by assault;

15S MEMOIRS OF

and he there lost seventeen hundred men. When
the inhabitants saw that Harsch was determin-
ed not to surrender till the assault of the body
of the place, which was battered down with
balls, the oldest priest carrying the host, the
magistrates, women, and children, all thronged
to hin>. The fire from the ramparts continued
as before ; and when the breach was wide
enough to enter in companies, on the 1st of
November he abandoned the town and retired
into the citadel. This was followed by de-
fending, fighting, writing, demanding, refus-
ing, granting, prolonging suspensions of hos-
tilitiea till the 21st, and then by capitulation.

Farewel to the empire ! farewel to its two
bulwarks ! was the general cry at all the
courts of Germany, which were dying of fear.
Why are they incorrigible ? If little ministers
and great or little mistresses were not gained
by France, they might raise one hundred
thousand men to defend in the first place the
passage of the Rhine ; and then the fortresses
erected and to be erected. There are very
bad- Germans in Germany.

PRINCE EUGENE. l'&9

The same courts and states of the empire
having crossed me, as some years before they
had done Prince Louis of Baden, had render-
ed it impossible for me to relieve those two
places. This, I confess, horribly disgusted
me of the war, so that I was one of the first
to advise the emperor to make peace. France
had been making prodigious efforts : her re-
sources are infinite. 'Tis the will of one in-
dividual and of one nation. The Austrian
monarchy is composed of five or six, which
have different constitutions. What a dif-
ference in civilization, population, and im-
portance ! The title of emperor does not
bring a single man or a single kreutzer. He
must even negociate with his empire that it
may not be French; with the Bohemians,
that they may not run away into Prussia and
Saxony for fear of becoming soldiers ; with
his Lombards, who are ready to turn Savoy-
ards; with his Hungarians, ready to turn
Turks ; and with his Flemings, ready to be-
come Dutchmen.

La Houssaie was directed to sound on the
part of Louis %JLVt and Undbeim, the minis-

160 . MEMOIRS OF

ter of the Elector Palatine, on that of Charles
VI. The first appointed Villars to treat with
me at Rastadt, to which place I was sent at
the same time. Villars arrived there first, to
do the honors of the place, as he told me, and
came to the foot of the stairs to receive me.
Never did men embrace with more military
sincerity, and I may venture to add, with
more esteem and attachment. Our juvenile
friendship, when companions in arms in Hun-
gary, and our intimacy at Vienna, while he
was ambassador there, interrupted by mili-
tary exploits on both sides, rendered this in-
terview so affecting, that the officers and men
composing our escorts also cordially embraced
one another. A conversation of an hour, in
my apartment, to which Villars conducted
me, fixed the basis of the treaty. " I was in
expectation," said I laughing to Villars, " of
exorbitant demands on your part, but I sup^
pose they have not yet arrived, since in your
heart you think mine reasonable: You will
send a courier to notify my objections; he will
return to you with orders to agree to none of
my propositions. Your second will bring you

PRINCE EUGENE. 161

intelligence that they are beginning- to listen
to reason at Vienna, and we shall sign/' All
that I predicted partly came to pass ; and
while he was waiting for the second courier,
I said to him; " Allow me, my dear marshal,
to go in the mean time to spend the carnival
at Stuttgard, with the T)uke of Wiirtemberg.
My body requires recreation ; but for these
two years, owing to you, my mind has been in
still greater need of it." — ft With all ray
heart/* said he, 'fand I will go and amuse
myself at Strasburg, till Contades, whom I
will send oft* to the king, shall return with
fresh instructions. Allow me also to give you
a ball this evening, as though we were not go-
ing to fight perhaps for a fortnight to come.
People will consider our sovereigns the best
friends in the world, while it is only their
ambassadors that are so, if you, Monseigneur,
will permit me to assume an appellation so
dear to my heart." In the time that we re-
mained together, I gave him balls and suppers
in my turn. His entertainment was better than
mine; which was rather too much in the Ger-
man style; I was quite out ot my element.
Whoever saw us together at night would not

L

163 MEMOIRS OF

have supposed that we were quarrelling all
day. At the entertainments which he gave
me, his conversation seemed more amusing
and more agreeable than ever. Nobody could
be more so than he. He had far more interest-
ing things to tell me, than when we were ac-
quainted. We were talking one day of the
difference of our nations: "Your's," said
Yillars to me, fC seems immovable, never
doing glorious things but behalves, and never
disgracing itself/' — " And your's/' replied I,
"is never steady. It is in fact two ; one sus-
ceptible of discipline, fatigue, and enthusiasm,
when it is headed by a Villars, a Vendome,
and a Catinat ; and the other, that of Blen-
heim and Rarnillies, when there was too
much of Versailles in your affairs. The un-
derstanding and intelligence of your country-
men may sometimes be prejudicial, because
they form an opinion on every subject, and
that very quickly. For instance, if I had to
do with some of you, I would equip some of
my dragoons in the French uniform, and di-
rect them to cry out on your rear: We arc
cut off! But with such valor, and such a
man as you, my dear marshal, they are very
dangerous fellows/'

PRINCE EUGENE. US

sc Indeed/' said he, "we talk without
being aware of .it, like Hannibal and Scipio. —
What think jou of the Turks ? Are they yet
as stupid as in my time, when I began to ad-
mire you, Monseigneur?"

" Nobody will ever change their system/'
answered I, " but it might be turned to
good account without that. If a pacha, a
renegado, a general of the allies of the Porte,
were to place platoons after their manner, as
a second line in the intervals of the first, and
others as a third in those of the second, and
then again reserves; and their spahis on the
wings, with their accursed shouts of Allah!
Allah! and their mode of advancing in fifties
with a pair of colors, they would be in-
vincible."

ct You will be angry with me for what I am
going to say," observed Villars. " Do you
know the foolish story which has been told
concerning you, to account for the loss of the
battle of Denain ?"

lS

164 MEMOIRS OF

" Let me hear it/' said I, tc it will amuse

<c Well, it was said that you had a mistress
at Marchiermes ; that an Italian dancer, beau-
tiful as an angel, had her quarters there ; and
that you had troops at that post, only for
her safety and your's, during your nightly
visits."

I laughed heartily with him at this story.

" Indeed/' said I, ee it was rather too late
for me to catch the foolish fever called love.
I had better have taken it at Venice or
Vienna, when we were young. You paid
attention to ladies, I remember; but it was
without loving or being loved by them ; for
they take a French gallant for fashion's
lake."

"That often happens to us in France too,"
replied he. "It is a fashion there likewise,
nay even an employment when we have no-
thing else to do : indeed, it is almost neces*
lary to save out character. Consider what

PRINCE EUGENE. 165

they have said of M. de Vendome and of
Catinat."

He passed some jokes on his friend Madame
de Maintenon, and the steeple from which Cha-
inillard had reconnoitred me, and highly
amused me at the expence of the Duke of
Burgundy, the Villerois, the Tallards, the
Marsins, and the La Feuillades. " I was de-
lighted/' said I, " to find that you were con-
verting and cutting the throats of the Hu-
gonots in the Cevennes, (78) instead of being
opposed to me at Hochstett." I had no diffi-
culty, to make him acknowledge that, but for
his wound, he would have beaten me at Mal-
plaquet; but it was much harder for him to
prove, as he attempted to do, that I had not
committed some slight error at Denain.

Perhaps these little flatteries produced some
observations favorable to the emperor in his
dispatches to Louis XIV. I hinted in con-
versation, that I was not yet acquainted with
this emperor, and that he seemed to me to be
extremely obstinate. With pleasure I ob-
served Villars talking with some members of

166 MEMOIRS OF

the states of the empire, supposing that he
would learn that I had obtained from them
five millions to begin the war again, if it
should be absolutely necessary; and we
parted.

1714.

Contades went like the wind., and returned in
the same manner on the 26th of February. The
framing of new instructions, the assembling
of the council, the alterations in the condi-
tions, the discussions on this subject, and per-
haps also the dispatching of some secret cou-
riers, who«arrived without my knowledge— •
all this was the business of six weeks.

Villars sent Contades to me, to request that
I would give credit to whatever he should
communicate to me in the king's name, and
we both returned very expeditiously to Ra~
stadt. Seeing that very few articles in my
propositions were altered, I signed on the 6th
of March.

PRINCE EUGENE. 167

X

I could not forbear laughing at the titles
assumed by the emperor ; such as, King of
Corsica, Algiers, Jaen and the Canaries ;
Duke of Athens and Neopatri ; Lord of Tri-
poli, &c. ; and beside them, the most Serene
Prince and Lord Louis XIV.; then my titles
in abundance, and next to them, the general
of the French army, named de Villars ; and
I admired the impertinence of our chanceries.
" I shall go to Vienna/' said I to him, fe to
procure the ratification of our treaty, because
I am afraid that some alterations might be
made in it ; and I will soon see you again."

I was most favorably received by the court
and by the city, both being heartily tired of
the war. I procured the appointment of ple-
nipotentiaries to execute the necessary forma-
lities with those of his Most Christian Ma-
jesty. It was at Baden that they met for this
purpose ; and thither Villars and I repaired
to affix our signatures once more to the same
contract.

We were both apprehensive for a moment,
lest the death of Queen Anne, which hap-

168 MEMOIRS OF

pened just at this juncture, should produce
some alteration ; but our subaltern ministers
bad the good sense not to make any remon-
strances to us on that subject.

All that now grieved me was to be obliged
to part from Villars, whom I was never to
see again. " We shall probably fight no
more battles, and sign no more treaties to-
gether," said I, to him, " but we shall never
cease to love and to esteem each other."
That brave man was also affected at taking
leave of me, and I departed for Vienna.

1715.

The short years of peace which I there
passed were to me more fatiguing than those
of war. Abundance of conferences with the
English and Dutch ministers respecting the
barrier-treaty of the Low Countries, and also
with those of the emperor, Harrach, and Zin-
zendorf, about the restoration of the finances.
They were dreadfully deranged. I had paid
the army when and how I could. It was ne-

PRINCE EUGENE. 169

cessary for a commanding general to have all
his wits about him. My bills had sometimes
been protested ; therefore, in the same manner
as people send diamonds to a pawnbroker, I
had sometimes pledged provinces. At length,
by little and little, notwithstanding the dis-
harmony of the chiefs of the different depart-
ments, I effected some little improvement in
the revenues of the state.

"When I received information of the death
of Louis XIV. it produced, I confess, the
same effect on me as the fall of an old stately
oak, uprooted by a tempest, and extended on
the ground. He had stood so long ! Death,
before it erases great recollections, revives
them all in the first moment. History is in.,
dulgent to princes in their outset. That of
this great monarch needed no indulgence;
hut now age had blunted the talons of the
lion. A regency was destined to allow us
time to breathe. But a circumstance occur-
red, which cut out plenty of work for us
again.

At the beginning of May, I gave audience

l'?0 MEMOIRS OF

to a Turkish ambassador, who came to re-
quest the emperor not to interfere in the quar-
rel between the Sublime Porte and Venice.

On examining myself, I dare not decide
whether my opinion was not governed by
some small degree of personality. Glory is
sometimes a hypocrite, which disguises itself
in the cloak of the honor of states. One
imagines insults, charges others with injuries,
insolence, and bad intentions, and occasions
the destruction of five hundred thousand men.
But this time several of the ministers, and
Guido Stahrenberg himself, though not a
friend to me, coincided in my opinion.
Charles VI. appointed me to the command of
one hundred and twenty-five thousand men,
of whom fifty-five thousand were detached in
two corps.

Charles VI. conferred on me the govern-
ment general of the Low Countries. I gave
the post of deputy-governor to an Italian
named Prie. I think I might have made a
better choice.

PRINCE EUGENE. Ml

We were again in want of money. Kau-
nitz went to collect what he could in the
empire, and the pope granted us a brief for
levying the tithes and extraordinary dues of
the clergy in all the provinces of our mo-
narchy.

The Turks were placing Temeswar in a
good state of defence, when a fire, which
burned forty houses of that town, and another
at Belgrade, which consumed thirty vessels
laden with stores, induced a belief that Ma-
homet disapproved the war. This moment
of superstition was perhaps fortunate for me;
for LofFelholtz made himself master of Me-
trovitz without resistance.

The pacha complained of these hostilities.
LofFelholtz replied that they had been begun
on his side by the fire which his saicks had
opened on some of the imperial troops who
were sailing down the Save. The poor pa-
cha, who perhaps knew nothing of the mat-
ter, ordered those who had fired to be im-
paled ; but this I affected to consider as the
first effect of anger rather than as a repa-
ration.

172

MEMOIRS OF

It is scarcely possible to decide which of
two parties is in the wrong at the commence-
ment of a war. They quarrel, complain,
recriminate, and fight, before the matter can
be cleared up. The grand signior would, if
he durst, have confined the emperor's resi-
dent, and sent the grand vizir with one hun-
dred and twenty thousand men, who, thinking
himself extremely cunning, pretended to be
marching into Dalmatia, and suddenly turned
oft' towards Belgrade, with orders not to pass
the boundary of the two empires.

After witnessing the birth and decease of
a young archduke, I set off from Vienna on
the 1st of July, in consequence of information,
either true or false, that the Turks intended
to cross the Save. Langlet took possession
of Ratheza. The sublime Porte sent us a
long manifesto, clever enough for a christian
potentate, which contained sound argument,
and wore an air of good faith ; but it was easy
for us to prove that a Turkish spy had al-
ready been impaled in our camp, and that an
Hungarian renegado was collecting deserters
of all nations to form a corps for the service
•f the Porte.

PRINCE EUGENE. 173

On the 2?th of July, I went to Peterwa-
radin, and the grand vizir into the old en-
trenchments at Semlin. I had no great diffi-
culty to draw him from them ; for having as
much inclination to fight as myself, he met
me half way. His name was Hali ; and such
was his enmity to the Christians, that after
taking one hundred thousand florins as the
ransom of Breuner, who had been made pri-
soner, he nevertheless afterwards ordered his
head to be cut off, as will be seen presently.
A favorite with his father-in-law, Achmet III.
deeply involved in the intrigues of the serag-
lio, ignorant and presumptuous, he was the
Villeroi of the Turks. S( This grand vizir
of the infidels," said he, meaning me, "is
not what he passes for. This will presently
be seen, for I am marching against him."
He accordingly crossed the Save. I sent
John Palfy to reconnoitre ; he had two horses
killed under him, and retired in good order,
though seventy thousand spahis attempted to
surround him ; but he gained a defile.
" This at least," said I, ffis a pretty decisive
act of hostility on their part/' It took place
at Carlowitz, the very spot where peace had

174 MEMOIRS OF

been concluded seventeen years before. On
the 2nd of August I crossed the Danube with
my army. The host of spahis, who fancied
they had gained some advantage in the great
skirmish to which I have alluded,, arrived
too late to prevent me. They found me en
camped behind old entrenchments; and as
•oon as Hali arrived with his janissaries, he
fell to work to besiege me in their usual way.
The approaches, trenches, parallels, batteries,
were all commenced, and almost finished in
some places by day-break. They follow, as
I have already observed, the plan of the Ro-
mans, without being aware of it, by entrench-
ing themselves immediately on their arrival.
On the 5th, at eight in the morning, they sa-
luted me with all their artillery. I fully
expected that this famous grand vizir would
commit some blunder or other, and that he
would be embarrassed with his superior num-
bers. Being unable to form a larger front,
on account of my flanks being well supported,
even when marching, he formed small bodies
of troops which did not engage. These were
perhaps designed for reserves, which his good
sense might have suggested the idea of ( for

PRINCE EUGENE. ITS

lie was not deficient in that or in courage
either), but which were afterwards forgot-
ten. The Prince of Wiirtemberg, whom I
ordered to make the first attack on my left,
broke the enemy, and penetrated every where.
But my right went on badly; the eight co-
lumns being obliged to break, in order to pass
the apertures in my entrenchments, and being
unable to deploy, on account of the proximity
of those of the Turks, were roughly handled.
Lanken and Wallenstein were killed. At this
moment, Bonneval once more laid me under
the greatest obligations. All around him were
killed ; he was himself wounded in the abdo-
men with a lance. He had but twenty-five
men left; but he gave me time to send Palfy^
with two thousand horse, upon the flank of
the janissaries, hitherto conquerors in thi|
attack. We then became victorious, but not
till after an engagement of five hours. I en-
tered the magnificent tent of the grand vizir,
Hali ; and there the chaplains of the nearest
regiments, in a loud voice returned thanks
to the God of armies in prayers repeated by
the soldiers, with a demeanour both military
and religious.

176 MEMOIRS Of

From this place I sent Captain Zeil of my
regiment to the emperor with the account,
which was only five or six lines. 'Tis easy
to be modest when one is successful. (79)

I did not care to pursue the Turks, for
they were still much stronger than we. They
were fired upon, in their retreat, by the ar-
tillery of Peterwaradin. The unfortunate
Hali died the next day at Carlowitz of two
wounds which he received while endeavoring
at the head of his guards to rally the fugi-
tives; and it was a few minutes before he
expired that he ordered young Breuner, whom
I have already mentioned, to be put to death,
<( in order," said he, "that this dog may not
survive me. O that I could serve all the
Christian dogs in the same manner !"

The 25th of August I encamped before
Temeswar, which I invested, and amused
myself with taking the pacha's handsome ki-
osk and garden, and a mosque, which the
Turks chose rather to abandon, than, as they
said, to prophane by defending it.

PRINCE EUGENE. 177

On the 1st of September the trenches were
opened. I severely scolded Prince Emanuel
of Portugal, who, not content with beingthere,
engaged in pursuit of a small body of Turks
whom he espied. He had his horse killed,
and received a violent contusion on the knee.
Fortunately he did not take warning by this,
but continued to expose himself much in these
two campaigns. On the 9th the Turks made
a wretched sally, and on the 24th a reinforce-
ment, which they attempted to throw into the
place, was soundly beaten.

On the 30th we took by assault the Palanka,
(80) on which the fate of the town almost
depended ; but it cost us very dear. I there
lost a great number of officers, alike distin-
guished for their military and social qualities.
On the 13th of October Temeswar capitu-
lated. A few more rainy days would per-
haps have forced me to raise the siege. How
fortunate ! The Turks demanded mercy for
some Gowirouzzers, I recollect that my an-
swer to this article was : " Those scoundrels
may go whithersoever they please." That
appellation is by no means a matter of indif-

M

^8 MEMOIRS OF

ferencc ; it signifies a rebel, and though ori-
ginally confined to those of Hungary, it is
good policy to encourage the soldier to apply
it to all the enemies of the house of Austria,
as if they were its subjects, and consequently
to treat them with all the contempt that is
felt for traitors. The merest trifle sometimes
gives a useful and advantageous bias to an
army.

I set out for Vienna, but by the way went
through, at Raab, the whole tedious cere-
mony of being invested with the consecrated
cap and sword, with which the pope was pleas-
ed to decorate me.

The venerable veteran Heister, whom I had
appointed governor after the battle and siege
in which he had distinguished himself (being
determined to take part in them, notwith-
standing his great age) came to meet me at
the head of the garrison. Bishop Gondor put
the cap on my head. I wrote a handsome
letter in Latin to his holiness, and pursued
my journey with the Chevalier Rasponi, who
had brought me all these fine things, whom

PRINCE EUGENE. 179

I took as a volunteer about my person, and
who was soon afterwards killed in a duel
about a courtezan.

1717.

Not a soul complained of an enormous but
very judiciously divided tax, imposition and
contribution,, which I proposed to be laid on
the whole monarchy, at the same time fur-
nishing it with means of commerce which no-
body would have thought of. Charles VI.
ordered all those who had it in their power
to interfere, not to molest me, and he found
the benefit of it. Oppenheimer, the celebrated
Jew, supplied me in a very short time with
remounts and stores. They cost me rather
dear, but I was in haste.

Princes and volunteers came from all
quarters to serve under me, in numbers suf-
ficient to compose a squadron. Among the
former were a Prince of Hesse, two of Ba-
varia,, a Bevern, a Culmbach, one of Wiir-
temburg, two of Ligne, one of Lichtenstein,
m2

180 MEMOIRS OF

one of Anhalt Dessau, the Comte de Charo-
lai, the Princes of Dombes, Marsillac, Pons,
&c. &c.

The emperor made me a present of a mag-
nificent diamond crucifix, assuring me that
all my victories past and to come were
from God — an excellent way of releasing
himself from all obligations to me; and I set
out for Futack, where I re-assembled the
army at the end of May.

It was necessary for me to make myself
master of Belgrade, which, during three cen-
turies, had been so often taken and re-taken.
Luckily, I found there no John de Capistran,
the Franciscan, who, with the crucifix in his
hand, and standing all day in the hottest fire,
defended the place with such obstinacy : nor
an Hunniades who commanded there against
Mahomet II. in 1456. Hunniades died of
his wounds ; Mahomet tost an eye, and the
friar was canonized.

The grand signor had unfortunately too
well replaced the hot-headed grand vizir, who

PRINCE EUGENE. 181

had been killed. His successor was Hatschi
AH, Pacha of Belgrade, who made the most
judicious dispositions for the preservation of
the place, and gave me a good deal of trou-
ble. The 10th of June I crossed the Da-
nube ; my volunteer princes threw themselves
into boats that they might arrive first, and
have an opportunity of charging the spahis
with some squadrons of Mercy's regiment,
which had already crossed below Panczova,
for the purpose of covering the landing of
some, and the bridge constructed upon eighty-
four vessels for the others. On the 19th I
went with a strong escort to reconnoitre the
^pot where I intended to pitch my camp.
Twelve hundred spahis rushed upon us with
unparalleled fury, shouting Allah ! Allah !
I know not how one of their officers forced
his way through a squadron in front of me,
that he might come to seek me at the head of
the second, where I was from prudence, hav-
ing a great many orders to give. He missed
me. I was going to dispatch him with my
pistol, when a dragoon by my side knocked
him from his horse. We had the same day a
Baval engagement, which lasted two hours,

182 MEMOIRS OF

and as our saicks gained the advantage, I re-
mained master of the operations on the Da-
nube. The 20ih I made the troops work at
the lines of countervallation, under a tre-
mendous fire from the town. Toward the
conclusion of June, I removed my camp so
near to Belgrade, that the balls were inces-
sently flying over my head. A tempest de-
stroyed my bridges, and but for the intrepi-
dity of a Hessian officer in a redoubt, I know
not how I should have reconstructed that of
the Save.

Intending to take the place from the side
next the water, I sent Mercy to attack a
fort at the mouth of the Donawitz ; but
lie fell from his horse in a fit of apoplexy.
He was brought back for dead ; fortunately,
however, he afterwards recovered. Being
apprised of the accident, I went to replace
him, and the fort was taken. The Prince
of Dombes had a narrow escape by my
side, from a ball which made my horse prance.
Marcilly was killed while bravely defending
himself in a post, which I had directed him
to entrench. (81) He begged assistance of

PRINCE EUGENE. I S3

Rodolph Heister, who refused it, and who was
luckily killed (as a punishment for his cow-
ardice) by a cannon-ball which reached him
behind his chevaux de frise., I arrived by
accident at first with a strong escort only : I
sent for a large detachment ; I stopped, and
completely defeated the janissaries, leaving
indeed five hundred killed upon the spot, and
among them, Torre, Visconti, Siegen, &c.
Here also fell the Pacha of Romelia, the best
officer of the Mussulmans.

On the 22& of July, my batteries were
finished. I bombarded, burned, and batter-
ed down the city at such a rate, that it
would have capitulated, but for the intelli-
gence that the grand vizir was expected to ar-
rive on the 30th at Nissa, with two hundred
thousand men.

The 1st of August he made his appearance
on the heights that overlooked my camp, ex-
tending in a semicircle from the hills of
Krotzka to those of Dedina. The Mussul-
mans who covered them formed the finest
amphitheatre in the world, a charming view

184 MEMOIRS OF

for a painter, but a most execrable one for a
general. Cooped up between this army and
a fortress with a garrison of thirty thousand
men, the Danube on my right, and the Save
on my left, my resolution was formed. I in-
tended to march out of my lines to attack
them, notwithstanding the advantage of their
ground ; but the fever which had already
begun to make havoc among my army, did
not spare me. There was I seriously ill, and
confined to my bed, instead of being at the
head of my troops, whom I was anxious to
lead to glory.

I must needs think that they were rather
uneasy at court, in the city, and even in my
army. Both courage and good fortune are
required to extricate one's self from such a
situation. Any general, who should have re-
placed me, might, nay must, have supposed
that he should be ruined if he retreated, and
beaten if he did not. Our condition was
growing daily worse. The heavy artillery of
the Turks had arrived on the heights which
I have mentioned. We were so bombarded
from them, as well as from the fortress, that

PRINCE EUGENE. 185

I knew not where to place my tent, for several
of my servants had been killed going into and
out of it. In the little skirmishes (and such
were very frequent) with the spahis, my
young volunteers never failed to go and ply
their pistols, though the cannon always inter*
fered in these affairs. One day d'Estrades,(82)
governor of the Prince de Dombes, had a leg
shot off by his side, and one of his pages was
killed. All our princes whom I have named
above distinguished themselves, and loved me
as their father.

I had caused the country in the rear of the
grand vizir's army to be ravaged ; but those
people, as well as their horses, and above all
their camels, subsist upon almost nothing.
Not an hour passed in which I was not losing
a score men by the dysentery, or the cannon
of the lines, which the infidels every night
advanced a good deal nearer to my entrench-
ments. I was, if any thing, less the besieger
than the besieged. Things went on better for
me in the city. A bomb in a powder maga-
zine completely destroyed it, and occasioned
the loss of three thousand lives.

1S6 MEMOIRS OF

At length I recovered from my disorder,
and on the 15th of August, in spite of the
bad advice of people who are not fond of bat-
tles, I determined upon an engagement. I
expected that ennui and despair would give
me success.

I slept not like Alexander before the battle
of Arbela, though the Turks did, without
being Alexanders : opium and predestination
make them philosophers. I gave short and
clear instructions according to any circum-
stances that might happen, and left my en-
trenchments about one in the morning. The
darkness, and then the fog, rendered my first
efforts a game of chance. Some of my bat-
talions of the right wing fell on their march,
without intending it, into a branch of the
trenches of the Turks. Dreadful was the con-
fusion that ensued among the latter, as they
have neither advanced posts nor scouts ; our
confusion was not less, baffling all description :
on the left and in the centre they began firing
on both sides, without knowing at what.
The janissaries fled from their entrenchments,
into which I had time to throw fascines and

PRINCE EUGENE. 187

gabions, to form a passage for my cavalry,
who pursued them I know not how. The
fog dispersed, and the Turks perceived a ter-
rible opening; but for my second line, which
I ordered to march immediately to fill this
chasm, I should have been undone. I would
then have marched in order ; but no such
thing; I was better served than I imagined.
La Colonie, at the head ef his Bavarians,
gave way to his ardor, and took a battery of
eighteen pieces of cannon. I was obliged to
do better than I would : I supported the Ba-
varians ; and the Turks, after running to the
very heights, lost all the advantage of their
ground. A large body of their cavalry fell
upon mine, which had advanced too far; a
whole regiment was cut in pieces, but two
others seasonably coming up to its relief, de-
cided the victory. Here I received a cut with
a sabre; it was, I believe, my thirteenth
wound, and probably my last. All was over
by eleven in the morning. Viard, during the
action, overawed the garrison of Belgrade,
which capitulated the same day. I forgot
that there was no Boufflers in the city ; I be-
haved generously, and granted the honors of

188 MEMOIRS OF

war to the garrison, who, not knowing what
they meant, neglected to avail itself of them.
Men, women, children, carriages and camels,
departed all at once, pell-mell, either by land
or by water. (83)

At Vienna the devout ascribed my succes*
to a miracle, and those who envied me to good
luck. Charles VI. I believe was among the
former, and Guido Stahrenberg among the
latter. I was well received there as might be
expected.

It has already been seen that I sometimes
sat in judgment on myself. Here is my opi-
nion respecting this victory, which I have ra-
ther to justify myself for than to boast of.
My partizans have extolled it too highly,
and those who were jealous of me have found
too much fault with it. They ought rather
to have proposed to cut off my head on this
occasion than for Zenta, for there I risked
nothing. I was sure of victory; whereas here
I might not only have been beaten, but over-
whelmed, undone, if a tempest or the cannon
of the Turkish lines to the left on the banks

PRINCE EUGENE. 18§

of the Danube had destroyed my bridges ; but
I had indeed the superiority in saicks, work-
men, and gunners, to protect or repair them,
and a corps at Semlin.

Could I anticipate the tardiness or ill-will
of authorities which clash where there are so
many internal abuses in the administration,
and such ignorance in the heads of the civil
department and commissariat ? This cau*e
kept me destitute of all that was necessary for
me to begin the siege and take Belgrade
before the arrival of the Grand Vizir ; and
this afterwards prevented me from being be-
forehand with him upon the heights ; which
I should nevertheless have occupied but for my
accursed fever, before his artillery had arrived
there. And then that unfortunate dysentery,
which carried my army to the hospital, or
rather to the grave ; for every regiment had

a cemetery behind its camp could any one

anticipate that too ? It was these two reasons
that made me attack and consequently risk
every thing and nothing, for I was as sure to
be ruined in one way as in the other. I
threw up entrenchments upon entrenchments: I

190 MEMOIRS OF

knew a little more on that subject than my
comrade the Grand Vizir; and had a suffi-
cient number of people in health to guard
them. I obliged him to decamp for want of
provisions (for the country to the distance of
seven miles behind his camp had been ra-
vaged, as I have already observed) and con-
sequently Belgrade to surrender. If then this
manuscript should come to light, no praise,
my dear reader, nor censure. In a word, I
might not have come off so well, but for the
protection of the Virgin, according to the opi-
nion of Charles VI. his Jesuit, and the pious
souls who wished me at the devil; for the
battle was fought on Assumption day.

Europe was negociating elsewhere. Some
charitable creature advised the emperor to
seud me for that purpose to London, with a
view to procure for another the easy glory of
putting an end to the war.

PRINCE EUGENE. 191

1718.

I was not such a simpleton as to be caught
in this snare, and I set out for Hungary at
the beginning of June, with a fine sword,
worth eighty thousand florins, given me by the
emperor.

In regard to friends and enemies, I ought
to observe that I was often indebted for mj
successes to foreigners serving in my armies.
Among these I have had the following French-
men : Commercy, Vaudemont, Stainville, Ra-
butin, Erbeville, Saint-Amour, Dupigny
Montigni, Corbeille, Bonneval, Langallerie,
Castel, Viard, Vaubonne, the two Mercys ;
Princes of Lorraine, Croy, la Marche, Hau.
tois, Gondrecour, La Colonie, Batte, Faber,
Marisny, Martigny, Langlet, and the Duke
of Aremberg, whom I may reckon a foreign-
er, being from the Low Countries. All of
them had many French officers in their regi-
ments. There were likewise a great number
in the two regiments of Francis and Leopold
Lorraine, in mine, in that of my nephew,

192 MEMOIRS OF

and of Eman uel, Prince of Portugal. Hamil-
ton, Brown, and the two Wallis's, were Irish.
Of Italians I had Marcelli, Montecuculli,
Veterani, Locatelli, Arragoni, Bagni, Orselti,
Massei, Magni Videlli, Negrelli, RosaGrana,
Porica, Perselli, Cavriani, Strasoldo, &c. and
of Spaniards, Vasques, Galbes, Cordua, Ahu-
mada, and Alcandet.

I might also reckon as foreigners ( for they
pass almost for such at Vienna) the Hunga-
rians, of whom I had two Palfys, Nadasti,
Esterhazy, Spleni, Ebergeni, Baboezai, which
proves that there were many Austrians at
court, and few in the army ; my Germans
being almost all from the empire. The heads
of families, and the eldest sons, do not enter
into the service in this country. It was in
vain that I attempted to introduce the fa-
shion.

The Turks were desirous of making peace,
and so was the emperor. I could very well
have dispensed with it, for I confess that
I was fond of war. All the courts sent ne-
gociators to Passarowitz. To procure the bet-

PRINCE EUGENE. 19

rt

ter conditions, I marched towards the grand
vizir, who had just arrived with his army
in the neighbourhood' of Nissa. 1 should
have had an easy task, for he had only
eighty thousand men ; I was in the best disposi-
tion for attacking him, when a cursed courier
brought me the unwelcome intelligence that
the treaty of peace had been signed on the
21st of July. With us this is only called a
truce, which one observes as long as one
pleases, or breaks according to circumstances.
This lasted but twenty-live years. It was a
cardinal, (81) who ought to have been the
enemy of Mahomet, that saved his empire. In
this manner policy trifles with religion. Albe*
roni caused Spain to declare against us.

If the repairs which I ordered to be made
at Orsowa, and the fortifications at Belgrade,
and the allotment of quarters in Hungary
had not detained me there, I should have
caused the emperor to be respected in my go-
vernment general of the Low Countries. Prie
had suppressed the first commotion by fetch-
ing from Luxemburg Prince Ferdinand dc
Ligne's regiment of dragoons,, A second

13* MEMOIRS OF

took place ; the rioters in the great square at
Brussels were fired upon, but instead of "con-
tinuing to employ force,, Prie was frightened,
because he was told that the country-people
were coming to avenge the death of the inha-
bitants of the city, He ought to have been
recalled, but the wily Italian, well aware
that this would be my opinion, made amends
for his weakness.

1719.

With a force of twenty-five thousand men,
whom I prevailed upon the emperor to send
to the Low Countries, upon a third rebellion
(for the citizens of Brussels attempted from
day to day to undermine the authority of the
sovereign) he caused, on the 18th of Decem-
ber, the five ring-leaders to be hanged, and
Anniessens, the father of the city, to be be-
headed. (85) When his head dropped upon the
scaffold, the silly rebels dipped their hand-
kerchiefs in his blood, as formerly in that of
Egmont and Hoorn;(86) and all was over.

MINCE EUGENE. 195

Weary of these disturbances, to which one
could not apply the name of revolts, and the
squabbles of Prie and Bonneval, (87) who, at
the distance of three hundred leagues, endea-
vored to oblige me to take up the sword again,
and to crown all his indiscretions had turned
Turk, I requested the emperor to give his
sister a government, to which I had not time
to go and reduce the people to reason. Here
is what I had written to Prie during the trou-
bles ; which proves that people knew not
what they were talking about when they said
that I supported him ; for I never studied ap-
pearances : " Represent to the Flemings, that
it is their interest to cause a belief that they
have it in their power to revolt, in order that
they may be treated with some indulgence by
the court ; but never to do so because they
would demonstrate the poverty of their cha-
racter, and the nullity of their resources.
Represent to them that with four pieces of
cannon at the corners of a city, one may make
it tremble. Represent to the least stupid,
that nothing is ever gained by a revolution,
because people know not what to set up in the
n2

196 MEMOIRS OF

place of what they have destroyed ; and that
the worst of sovereigns is preferred to the
ablest men who succeed* him. Besides, ours
is too good to them ; the government of the
House of Austria is of the mildest kind. Repre-
sent to the most upright that the accomplish-
ment of a revolution requires crimes which
make one shudder, but without which rebels
are only laughed at; and that they must
choose between the gibbet and obedience :
and you, M. Prie, between your recal and the
Spielberg ; vigor to prevent insurrections, and
rigor to punish them."

The emperor made me his vicar-general in
Italy, with a salary of one hundred and fifty
thousand florins.

Alberoni, our inveterate enemy, being dis^
missed, and his Philip IV. having acceded
to the quadruple alliance, I had time to think
.of 'my pleasure. It was my fancy to build my
palace in the suburbs, somewhat in the Turk-
ish or Arabic taste, with rny four towers,
which I well know were not in any genuine

PRINCE EUGENE. 19?

ttyle of architecture, but they called to mina
a great event. It was the spot where, in
1529, the grand vizir had pitched his tent;
and I constructed my menagerie at Beugebey
exactly like the Mufti's camp, with towers
in which there had been tents for prayer.

The arrangement of my maps, p!ans, and
fine editions, which I had bought in London,
and of the excellent French, Latin, and
Italian works, well bound, afforded me oecu-'
pation, as well as my cascades , large jets
d'eau, and superb basons. To return to my
towers, for which I was censured, I replied
to those who found fault with them: C{\ am
tfs well acquainted as you are with the five
Grecian orders, and also with the seven orders,
of battle of Vegetius. I like to have an order
of my own in both sciences, and I have found
the benefit of it."

A very agreeable moment for me was oc-
casioned by a Turkish embassy* The grand
signor sent me the two finest Arabian horses
I ever saw, a scymetar, and a turban, with
^his message : " The one is a symbol of thy

198 MEMOIRS OF

valor, the other of thy genius and of thy
wisdom. " I like this eastern compliment,
and distrust those of christians.

1720.

This was one of the most tranquil years of
my life. Taken up entirely with the arts and
company, I did not do much. We had, as
every where else, love intrigues and court
intrigues ; but among the latter, none of those
of waiting-women, such as we had seen in
France. Oue sovereigns, fortunately owing
to their great pride, do not degrade themselves
by intercourse with the vulgar ; and every
where else the valets, the grooms of the tfrne
of Rodolph II. the huntsmen (where the
monarch is fond of the chace), and, in short,
mean people possess influence, afford protec-
tion, are dangerous, and do mischief. Charles
VI. on the contrary, in order* to keep them at
a distance, made his chamberlains dress him,
and they, after putting on his shoes, made a
low genuflexion, and retired without uttering
a word.

PRINCE EUGENE. 199

Agreeably to my advice, the protestants
were protected against the too orthodox ca-
tholics and the Elector Palatine, to whom,
but for this, the King of Prussia would have
proved that he was the protector of his reli-
gion. In spite of me, Nirnsch was punished
for having written against me, it was said, and
for having corresponded with Alberoni ; but
I procured a pardon for him, at least in part.
As I did not even care about the excellent songs
of Rousseau and Bonneval, still less should I
notice paltry paragraphs, or ill- written decla-
mations.

1722.

I had not much to say, and very \ilt\e to
do. Charles VI. displayed his magnificence at
the marriage of his niece. (88) I gave enter-
tainments too, and must confess that I was de-
lighted with my military court, and my old
comrades. That of the emperor was natu-
rally more illustrious in point of rank, but
not in merit. All the most distinguished

200 MEMOIRS OF

persons in the empire were there. But the
situation of La Favorita, in a street of the
suburbs, was not favorable either to diversion
or dignity. The dresses were all superb; but
taking no pleasure in parade of th&t kind, I
often' wore my uniform, and some of the gene-
rals followed my example.

I received a great deal of company at my
house between dinner and the play, because
I find that more business may be done in a
drawing-room than in a closet. I walked
about with some foreign minister, or sat down
in a corner with some of our own ; and a
communicative air makes people talkative.
On the other hand, I often see the reserve of
others repel every body; and, concealing their
mediocrity under the cloak of gravity and dis-
cretion, these gentlemen know no one, they
are unacquainted with public and private opi-
nion; and less secret than discreet, they are
strangers to all that is passing. 'Tis thus that
sovereigns are often deceived for want of mix-
ing with society.

There has not been a single bad one of the

PRINCE EUGENE. 201

House of Austria, excepting Philip II. all
his life, and Ferdinand II. once or twice.
Charles VI. was only unfortunate in the
choice of his servants. His minister of the
finances was an idiot. I caused him to be
dismissed, and Gundacker Stahrenberg, a man
of merit, to be appointed in his stead. Stratt-
raan likewise possessed infinite merit and great
intelligence. Jorger had sound judgment, and
spoke and wrote extremely well.

1723.

Charles VI. went to be crowned King of
Bohemia : more pleasures and ceremonies.
Charles had a reserved Spanish air, and took
but little pains to laugh, though he was very
fond of buffoons. This is always the case
with people who are not naturally cheerful.
He was good and just.

Leopold, in my opinion, had more under-
standing ; but Joseph, who possessed still
more than either, was amiable, and would
have governed in his own person. I said to

202 MEMOIRS OF

him shortly before his death: <( Employ,
sire, none but honest men ; but if you some-
times find a scoundrel willing to undertake
the dirty work of intrigues, and not ashamed
to have his conduct disavowed, make use of
such an one without esteeming him. The
honor of states is not so ticklish as that of in-
dividuals, Bad faith and meanness, inde-
pendently of the abhorrence which they ex-
cite, are not sound policy. But address and
dissimulation are allowable. Don't proceed
too far against Rome and the clergy. You
do not love France ; that I think perfectly
natural, for though beaten by us at present,
she possesses more resources than your ma-
jesty. If we continue successful, notwith-
standing the change which is preparing in
England, after you have made peace, do not
begin again; and never threaten any power,
till you are ready to strike. A young and
ambitious monarch at the head of that, would
conquer the world. Fortunately when Louis
XIV. was young, he speedily returned to
Versailles to dance Vaimable vainqueur, and
to hear an opera by his panegyrist Quinault:
*nd at present he has not long to live."

PRINCE EUGENE. 203

Though Joseph was not a bigot like his suc-
cessor, he would never have deceived the
share-holders of the company of Ostend, and
with his magnanimous character, he would
not have crouched, like him, to the maritime
powers. He one day said to me : " Had I
been in my father's place, I should not have
run away to Lintz, when you entered into our
service. I would not have suffered myself to
be shut up in Vienna; but would have acted
as aid-de-camp to the Duke of Lorraine, at
the battle of Vienna. I know what courtiers
are. I saw enough of them at the siege of
Landau. They pretended to tremble for us,
and it is for themselves they tremble all the
while." The severe and frigid Leopold was
not fond of Joseph. He was more partial to
Charles, his younger brother, who was less
petulant, and more of a Spaniard in every
respect, and could not forgive his love of
pleasure, and his bursts of passion. It is
true he was once guilty of great indecorum in
beating, in his presence, and that of a large
company at a public entertainment, one of his
people who did not pay proper attention to
him. (89)

£04 MEMOIRS OF

When I did not directly interfere in matters
of little importance,, I was reproached with
indolence, authorized, it was spitefully ob-
served, by my long and active military ser-
vice. Had I entered into all the petty details,
I should have been called trifling. I left them
to Koch, Etlet, and Brockhausen, my referent
daries. People clamored against them ; that
made very little impression upon me : I had on
my side all the good company, the populace,,
and the soldiery, whom I loved more than
I did a great many illustrious nobles, with
whom I had occasion to be dissatisfied for
their want of talents in war. I supported
those three gentlemen, it was alleged. I was
not a weathercock to turn with every wind.
They understood me if I spoke but half a
word; and I should have done more harm
to the public service by changing them, than
good by redressing perhaps some slight
abuses which it is difficult to discover and
to prevent.

I read much, and had others to read to
me: I had scarcely ever had time for it before.
I was surprised to find in the history of the

PRINCE EUGENE. 205

Greeks, the Romans, and the French of the
early years of Louis XIV. many things
which I had done without .knowing of these
precedents, as if by instinct. I resolved to
give my library to the emperor after my
death, for he wants it, but my niece not at
all. She will like better to play and to keep
a. little- court.

1724.

I applied myself a good deal to internal
affairs. I said to the ministers : (C Cannot you
disband this host of underlings, who pre-
vent the money from reaching the pocket of
the sovereign ? contrive a tax proportionate to
the income or earnings of each individual ?
provide habitations for paupers, and set them
to work ? consult the English, the Dutch,
the bankers, for a good system of finance and
manufactures ? invit3 Flemings to improve
our agriculture ? bring our heaths into cul-
tivation, by means of the monks or the sol-
diers, for whom villages might be built oh

^06 MEMOIRS OF

them ? borrow of the clergy at two per cent ?
dig a bed for the river Wien, to carry off the
filth of the esplanade, which infects the city,
and construct a fine quay, planted with four
alleys of plantain-trees or acacia? join the
rivers by canals ? cause the roads to be re-
paired by the proprietors of the adjacent
lands, without ruining the government by
constructing them ? double our population by
the Huguenots of France, and the emigrants
from the empire who are ill used by their
petty tyrants of sovereigns ?"

I said to our generals: (f Cannot you, to
spare the emperor's subjects, raise regiments
of Turks, Poles, Prussians, Saxons, and Ita-
lians, by inducing them to desert, and enlist-
ing deserters ? levy an Hungarian, Austrian^
Bohemian, and Walloon army, with none but
officers of their respective nations to keep
alive emulation? give furloughs to native
subjects ? keep up strong garrisons at Vienna,
Presburg, Olmutz, Gratz, Lintz, Brussels,
Luxemburg, and Milan ? form an entrenched
camp on each frontier, since fortresses are too

PRINCE EUGENE. 20?

expensive ; and encourage the breeding of
horses, that money may not be carried out of
the country ?"

Report has given a mistress to Charles VI.
as to any other person — the Spanish Altheim,
though she was no more his mistress than
the Italian lady was mine formerly, or than
Bathiany is now : but as his friend, I said to
her: ''Cannot you persuade the emperor to
gain the love of the electors and first princes
of the empire ; to draw them to Vienna by
magnificent fetes ; to give them the order
of the Fleece, or some other to their ministers,
or colors to their bastards, and pensions or
handsome recruiting officers to their mis-
tresses?

I said to the confessor : — <e Prevept accu-
sations, informations, cabals, unjust proceed-
ings for want of entering into the merits of
cases ; the monks from enriching themselves
by foundations and votive gifts. Allow every
convent to keep a certain number of in-
valids/'

208 MEMOIRS OF

To the emperor I said: tf Prevent the Prus-
sians,, sire, from rising; the Russians from
forming and acquainting themselves with our
affairs ; and the French from gaining the pre-
ponderance. Your monarchy is rather strag-
gling ; but for that very reason it adjoins the
north, the south, and the east. It is more-
over in the centre of Europe, to which your
majesty ought to give law."

I return to the Spanish Altheim. As
Charles VI. liked to speak Spanish, he dis-
tinguished this lady. He would have made
love with the same gravity as he killed the
grand- equerry to whom I have alluded. He
was afflicted beyond measure at the accident ;
but nothing ever appeared on his imperial
face.

It were to be wished that this female had
introduced into Austria the gallantry of her
country, like the mother of Louis XIV. to
whom the court of France owed its polite-
ness, its taste, the amenity of its manners, still
rather savage, in consequence of the troubles

PRINCE EUGENE. 209

which that nation, fickle and cruel as chil-
dren, prolonged with such barbarity. Of
this the Germans are incapable, but without
gallantry, fortunately not without love, though
restrained by the devotion of their sovereigns;
this only excited a higher relish for its plea-
sures, which were not the less indulged in -at
Vienna There are in this country so many
beautiful women, that in vain were ugly ones
sought as attendants on the court ; scarcely
any could be found, and thus the intention of
their Imperial Majesties to remove all danger-
ous objects from their antichambers and gal-
leries was never accomplished.

1725.

The Congress of Cambray went on very
ill ; Riperda was sent to Vienna. He was
referred to Zlnzendorf and me, to whom was
left the business of demanding, refusing, and
at length accommodating matters ; and on
the 1st of May we signed the treaty between
Austria and Spain. I was much pleased with
the society of the Duke de Richelieu, whom

2lo memoirs' of

Cardinal Fleury caused to be ridiculously re-
called on account of an absurd story of a
conspiracy in the gardens of Leopoldstadt.
By a double artifice on his part, of policy
and love, he endeavoured and expected to gain
Madame de Bathiany; and thinking himself
extremely cunning, he sometimes played with
us at piquet. This amused us much. The
wish for an adventure that should make some
noise rendered him every day more and more
agreeable to us both. He won neither the lady
nor the secret ; but we were delighted with
Jiis redoubled pains to please us. (90)

1726.

After having been a soldier, minister, grand
vizir, financier, postilion, negociator, I was
at last made a merchant. I established the
Ostend company, which the gold and jealousy
of the maritime powers caused afterwards to
be suppressed ; and another at Vienna, to
traffic, export, and navigate upon the Danube
and Adriatic Sea, where I converted Trieste
into a port capable of containing two squa-

PRINCE EUGENE. 21 i

drons of men of war, to escort and protect
the merchant vessels. I directed other small
ports, or at least shelters,, to be formed in the
Gulf of Venice, the advantages of which
were acknowledged by the whole monarchy.

1727.

I spent this whole year in consulting mer-
chants, bankers, and men of business ; in
drawing them over from foreign countries ;
in writing to England and Holland, for the
purpose of establishing good commercial
houses at Ostend and Antwerp ; and to Spain,
Italy, and even Turkey, with a view to esta-
blish others at Trieste and Vienna. This
interested, amused, and occupied me exceed-
ingly. I frustrated the miserable plans of
our ministers of finance, who had never stu-
died or travelled. I occasioned the settle-
ment among us of consuls, a kind of people
to whom we alone were before strangers. I
formed studs in Hungary and Bohemia for
breeding horses, that money might not be sent
o3

212 MEMOIRS OF

out of the country: and I can affirm that for
ten years the emperor's affairs never went on
so well, and perhaps never will again.

1728.

Charles VI. resolved to go and examine the
improvements at Trieste. I was of the party,
and should have been heartily tired but for
Prince Francis of Lorraine, who was ex-
tremely amiable, handsome, only twenty years
of age, and gay as his little court of Lorraine.
( 91 ) Some pretty ladies belonging to the court
who attended the empress in this journey
contributed to render it pleasing, notwith-
standing the bigotted austerity of that prin-
cess.

Charles VI. though the bravest of men now
living, was less so by half than Leopold.
He knew how to give his court a suitable
degree of splendor, and with us and our at-
tendants, he bad more than fifteen hundred
persons in his retinue. He had dances at

PRINCE EUGENE. 212

Gratz ; killed shamoys by the way ; and wai
satisfied with the port and city of Trieste.

1720.

To complete my work I had to battle a
good deal with the over-righteous Catholics
and big wigs of this country. The Jesuits
are indulgent when one knows how to manage
them. They were very useful to me in pro-
curing a cessation of the persecutions prac-
tised upon the Protestants in my fleet, who
were forbidden the exercise of their religion.
The only sailors left me were those who had
none at all, or hypocrites. This was still
worse; for how could I trust these two classes
of people, who had no fear of God, but only
feared the emperor? The honest Swedish,
Danish, Hamburgh, and Liibeck sailors, and
merchants, returned or remained ; thanks to a
couple of Protestant ministers whom I kept on
board of our ships.

214 MEMOIRS OF

1730.

At length I enjoyed the pleasure of having
the first fair at Trieste ; and after some labor
upon the finances, to find money enough to
raise thirty-six thousand men, with whom the
temperor resolved to augment his army. He
was right to hold himself in readiness for all
events; 'tis the way to preserve peace. But
I thought I could perceive that certain in-
triguers for their own private interests, or cer-
tain zealous, but shallow persons, would not
be displeased to produce a rupture on the first
opportunity. The French are clever in dis-
covering what passes, and by these means are
always in a better condition than others.

173K

The Duke of Liria was the minister of
Spain, and Robinson minister of England.
People were not long in the dark reaped^

PRINCE EUGENE. " 215

ing my long- conferences vvi.h them; and on
the 22nd of July., a treaty of offensive alliance
between our three courts wa signed. I am
no friend to protracted preparations or to
half-measures. One is ignorant what is pass-
ing at one's own court, though it is known at
foreign courts It is not till the first day of
the campaign that the public ought to be in-
formed of alliances.

1732.

The court of Versailles, for example, was
not duped by the journey to Carlsbad, whither
I accompanied the emperor, who gave out
that he was going for the benefit of the waters.
It was obvious that some interview was in con-
templation. The King of Prussia (92) .was
waiting fqx us at Prague, and the moment I
had dressed myself to pay my respects to him,
who should enter but his majesty. " No ce-
remony," said he to me ; Ci I am come to chat
with my master/' He was a Charles XII.
of peace; he dreamt of nothing but military
matters ; but there were only parades, exer-

216 MEMOIRS OF

cises, short coats, little hats, and tall men.
I was obliged to hear him talk on all these
subjects, of the fine order of his troops, and
of his economy. Here I took him up, and
advised him to amass plenty of money and
plenty of men to defend us if we were at-
tacked ; for my system, as may be perceived.,
was not to make war, but to create a barrier
against France, in order to take from her all
inclination to attack us. Preferring friends
to allies, who are often troublesome, and a
kind of tutors, I only engaged him not to de-
clare against us ; knowing his avarice, I was
apprehensive lest we should not prevail so far.
I persuaded Charles VI. to descend a step
from his Spanish haughtiness, and at least to
give him a friendly reception. He gave him
a handsome entertainment, which cost a good
deal of money. I prevailed upon all the Bo-
hemian nobility to pay high honors to the
king. He would have preferred a review to
a ball, but that was not our forte. I had
been so successful in the higher tactics as to
care nothing about wheeling to the right and
left, and the manual exercise. The contrast
of the dignity and magnificence of our em-

PRINCE EUGENE. 217

peror in a mantle of gold, with this royal
corporal, was very diverting. He returned
to Potzdam, and we to Vienna.

1733.

It was about this time that I clearly per-
ceived the diminution of my influence. The
King of Poland died in the month of Febru-
ary. Russia proposed to assist us in securing
the election of his son Augustus III. in spite of
France, who was desirous of again seating Sta-
nislaus upon the throne. (93) A great confer-
ence at court ; scarcely any division of opinion :
that for making war is espou&ed principally
by those who take no part in war, as the mi-
nisters, the priests, the women, and the loun-
gers of a great city. I said one day in a com-
pany where they were clamoring on the sub-
ject; sc I wish that your excellencies, and
you ladies, were each obliged to pay four
thousand ducats ; and that you fine gentlemen
had to march immediately with muskets on
your shoulders, " This reminds me of two

gl8 MEMOIRS OF

lines which I read some time ago, I know not
where :

Et pour un soufflet qui ne se battrait pas,
Alamort fait courir pour Phonneur des efats.,

At length it was asserted that the so-called
honor of the state was compromised, if we
did not go to war. " I acknowledge it not/'
said I to the ministers, " except when it is sup-
ported by powerful means : those of France
never were so strong as at present ; her
finances are in the best possible state, in con-
sequence of twenty years of peace. We have
had scarcely ten since the treaty of Westpha-
lia ; that is to say, for a period of near eighty
years. Her administration is wise/' I would
not roundly declare that our's was not, but I
hinted as much. " What have we to do with m
a war so foreign to the Germanic body, which
will make this reflection, and send us no as-
sistance ? The Russians are too distant to af-
ford any ; and before they arrive the empire
and Italy will be overrun. Recollect the ver-
satile conduct of England in my better days :

PRINCE EUGENE. 219

she is ever ready to repeat it. A mercantile po-
licy is always to be beard at the doors of her
parliament. The Englishman, just, noble,
upright, and generous, on his private account,
is the contrary in behalf of his country. "Tis
a land of contradiction, whose constitution
the ocean alone supports; as bad faith in
speeches, and a desire to shine, support the
opposition. The haughtiness and unskilful-
ness often manifested by the emperor's envoys
at foreign courts frequently cause them to
slip away from him, and render it impossible
to reckon upon any thing; and notwithstand-
ing my conversations with Liria and Robin-
son, I would lay a wager that Spain will de-
clare for France, and England will remain
neuter. "

Good as were the reasons which I alleged
to prove that France would be very glad to
find a pretext for a war with us, and bad as
were those employed to refute tbem, the lat-
ter, nevertheless, prevailed. It was perhaps
supposed that I should refuse the command
of the army, which was offered me out of
compliment; but this was a mistake, for I

220 MEMOIRS OF

accepted it. For my own part individually,
I auj fond of war ; and in this I wished to
meet the fate of Turenne,

Before I had time to assemble the army,
the command of which, till my arrival, was
given to the Duke of Bevern, and while I
was making all my arrangements with the
council of war, what I had foreseen happened.
On the 28th of October, the French had taken
the fortress of Kehl, levied contributions
throughout the whole empire, and overrun
the Milanese. Sardinia and Spain had de-
clared against us. In vain I represented to
the empire till I was tired, that the aggres-
sion of France ought to make it declare in our
favor: three electors protested against such
declaration, alleging that this invasion con-
cerned only the head of the empire ; that it
was merely a passage through for the purpose
of attacking Austria, and that France had
promised to restore all she might take as soon
as th« emperor should dissolve his connexion
with the Elector of Saxony.

PRINCE EUGENE. 221

1734.

Stanislaus was obliged to fly: the Divan
of Constantinople began to take alarm at the
preponderance of Russia. The grand vizir,
Hali Pacha, wrote to me: "Nalkiran is dead."
This appellation was given to him in that
country on account of his strength : it signi-
fies breaker of horse- shoes. (94) " Poland has
elected one of her great nobles. Why should
the Czarina violate in two instances her
treaties with her neighbors, and the liberty
of a country, in which she is desirous of
rendering the crown hereditary, and annul-
ling an election ? The Sublime Porte is a
guarantee to it, and will not suffer such a
procedure."

The influence of Russia and hostility to
France having gained the ascendancy at our
court, I could not reply to him that I was of
the same opinion as the Sublime Porte. In
spite of my real sentiments, I justified the
Czarina, and among the wretched reasons

222 MEMOIRS OF

which I urged, I said : " That she had en-
tered Poland with no other view than to pnt
an end to the murders and quarrels of the dif-
ferent factions who were tearing one another
in pieces; that the party which had chosen
Augustus II. in the same camp where Henry
de Valois was formerly elected, was much
stronger than, that of Stanislaus, too insig-
nificant a nobleman to be a king ; and that he
was supported only because he was father-in-
law to the King of France; that the son of
Augustus III. had been elected. Piast; (95)
that he was as much so as any other ; that
the primate had required it ; and that my
emperor hoped that his master and himself
should agree together for the restoration of
peace in the North of Europe."

All this I wrote to the Turks, in order to
afford the Russians no occasion to fight them;
for they always pretend to be insulted, and the
people under their protection oppressed, to ob-
tain a pretext for taking some fortresses.

I arrived on the 25th of April at Heilbron.
On the 27th I reviewed the army a few

PRINCE EUGENE. S23

leagues from Philipsburg. I still shed tears
of joy, tenderness,, and gratitude,, whenever
I recollect how I was received with repeated
shouts of " Long live our father !" and thou-
sands of hats thrown into the air. The old
companions of my campaigns iri Hungary,
Italy, Flanders, and Bavaria, crowded to
kiss the tops of my boots ; they sur-
rounded me, embraced my horse, and even
pulled me down with their caresses. This
moment was certainly the most delicious of
my life ; but it was embittered by the reflec-
tion that I had only thirty-five thousand men,
that the enemy had eighty thousand, and
announced his determination to march to
Vienna. I conducted 'them into the lines of
Ettlingen ; but these were calculated for one
hundred thousand men, and I had no incli-
nation to repeat the affair of Denain. I
abandoned them ; but I made so many marches
and countermarches, and abattis, and played
off so many stratagems, that I prevented Ber-
wick from penetrating into the interior of the
country. He could do nothing but lay
6iege to Philipsburg. This was what I want-
ed., in order to gain time. His head was there

224 MEMOIRS OF

tarried off by a cannon-ball, eight days after
the opening of the trenches. ( 96) I was envious
on this occasion, and it was for the first time in
my life. (97) I was disappointed in this plan,
as well as in that of attacking the French iu
their lines. I thought I had discovered a
place badly fortified, and with a small quan-
tity of artillery ; they had neglected it, be-
cause it was covered by a morass which I had
been told was passable, but which I found it
impossible to cross; for I went myself to
reconnoitre it : one cannot implicitly rely on
any report. This has been my practice all my
life ; I have found the benefit of it, as well as
of constantly having a pencil in my pocket to
write down in an officer's tablets the order
which I give him to carry.

I had received some Hessian, Hanoverian,
and Prussian reinforcements : among whom I
distinguished the prince royal, who appeared
a young man of infinite promise. (98) D'Asfeld
had surpassed himself. Never did I see any
thing so strong ; for instance, his ditches, or
irons des lonps, were conical, and superior to

those of Conde at Arras : ( 99 ) it was from this

PRINCE EUGENE. S25

reconnoitring that I formed my opinion of
the young prince whom I have just men-
tioned. When I was resolved to fight, I
never assembled a council of war ; but this
time I was sure that every one would be of
my opinion. I determined to cross the Rhine,
and to re-cross it higher up to attack D'As-
feld. For this service I had destined three
thousand cavalry and ten thousand Swiss.

This devil of a fellow had all his wits
about him, and at length took Philipsburg,
in spite of my cannonade of his camp, in which
I rather acted the Grand Vizir of Belgrade,
for my batteries and parapets were elevated to
fire down upon it, and the water, besides,
was still more terrible than the fire. I relied
more upon the effect of the one than the other.
But what a nation! caDable of every thinff.
Richelieu, v. hom I had known a Sybarite, so
delicate and voluptuous, the young courtiers,
the Durases, and the La Vallieres, were me-
tamorphosed. They only want a leader.
D'Asfeld was a rigid disciplinarian, and set a
good example; and before him Berwick held
them awe, They threw up the trenches in

e

$%6 MEMOIRS OF

boats, and endured every hardship with
unequalled patience. I never had any, for
ray part, under mental sufferings. The first
that had attacked the other would have been
beaten, and had that been my lot, the French
might have gone, to Vienna, for there was no
fortified place on the way, or upon the flanks:
and the Elector of Bavaria, who had subject
of complaint, only waited for this to declare
against Austria, whose haughtiness or awk-
wardness gained her friends no where. We
should hive lost the few we had. There was
no Sobieski to save the capital ; I should have
retired within the lines which I constructed,
as has been seen in 1705 ; but meanwhile Te
Deum would have been sung at Versailles,
and in the chapel of some of my enemies at
Vienna. People there at length became
sensible of the justice of my reasons against
the war, for they then perceived the inferio-
rity of our means, with which the barkers
and firebrands of society cannot be ac-
quainted.

Philipsburg being taken, I retired to my
old camp at Bruchsal. D'Asfeld would have

PRINCE EUGENE. 227

aid siege to Mentz, but this intention I
obliged him to relinquish, for I hastened 1o
cover that place. My marches, to prevent the
French from, penetrating into Swabia by the
Black Forest, have, *in my opinion, been suf-
ficiently extolled. I covered Wiirtemberr,
and they found me every where except in t! e
field of battle : for really I could not fight.
More fatigued than we, but able to recruit
themselves whenever they pleased, they enter-
ed into winter quarters; and I, innocent in
my own eyes, deserving neither the praise nor
the censure with which I have been honored,
satisfied with a kind of petty passive glory,
set out for Vienna.

I had left my nephew, the only remaining
shoot of my branch of Savoy, sick at Mann-
heim : he died of a fever, as I have been told,
but I suspect of something else. 'Tis a pit y ;
he possessed understanding and courage.
Though oidy twenty years of age, he was a
major-general, but too much of a libenine.
I allow a man to be a little disposed that .
way. I love a rake and detest Catos; they
icarcely ever stand fire well : but my little
p 2

228 MEMOIRS OF

Eugene was fond of bad company and bad
friends; and these are enough to ruin any
body. (100)

"What have you gained, Sire/' said I to
the emperor at the first audience, "in this
war, which I again advise your majesty to
terminate as speedily as possible ? After the
loss of two battles in Italy, your troops will
be driven from the country, as they have
been out of Naples and Sicily. Consider that
it is a French army, a very different sort of
thing from mine, which is a piece of patch-
work. We are still waiting for the contin-
gents of five or six petty allies, who, possessing
not a sous, sell their insignificant aid to your
majesty, and their hearts to France. The
great succours which Russia is sending you
amount to no more than fourteen thousand
men, whom she will soon recal : for after
leading us into this war, she will (which heaven
avert ! ) perhaps hurry you into another with
the Turks, which I believe they are even'
going to begin. " Charles VI. with his usual
taciturnity, only told me to say the same thing
to the council of conference.

PRINCE EUGENE. 229

I gained over all the military men to my
opinion. I said to them : — " While the ma-
ritime states, who are desirous of peace for
the preservation of the balance of power in
Europe, strive to accomplish their purpose,
I shall collect all the force I can, since that is
the way to put an end to the business."

At the end of April I set off for Heilbron^
and took up my excellent camp at BruchsaJ,
as I had done the year before; but the enemy
being much stronger, I had nothing to 'do
but to cover all the places and the country
on this side of the Rhine.

In order to render the possession of Philips-
burg useless to him, I turned the course of
three small rivers, which, instead of discharg-
ing themselves into the Rhine, produced me
a superb inundation from that fortress to
Ettlingen, the lines of which thus covered
were unassailable.

Had I been able to leave them, having no
longer to do with D'Asfeld, who had been
succeeded by Coigny, I should have finished

230 MEMOIRS OF

my military career better than by the same
passive kind of glory as the preceding year
I gave it some degree of activity by taking
Trarbach, and delivering the electorate of
Treves. Seeing that there was nothing more
to be done, nothing to be gained, and much
to be lost, as I had told Charles VI. fifty
times, I was very glad at first to be recalled to
Vienna, though I shrewdly suspected that this
was my last campaign. It would be difficult
for me to express what I felt on taking leave
of my army. It was a painful scene I assure
you. An old soldier only can know what it
is to bid a last farewel to such brave fellows,
whom he has so often led to death, which I
was desirous of meeting in so happy, speedy,
and glorious a manner : 'tis the only favor
God has refused me. With tears in my eyes
I resigned the command to the Duke of
Wiirteniberg; and on my arrival at Vienna,
1 luckily found La Baurue, the agent sent by
Cardinal Fleury, to makd very reasonable
proposals. France had been rather humbled
in Poland : her garrison of fifteen thousand
" men .had surrendered at Dantzic, and the
father- in-law of Louis XV. had withdrawn

PRINCE EUGEXE. 231

himself nobody knew whither. The Russians
and Augustus III. triumphed, as might be
expected; and I faking advantage of the
desire of Charles VI. to restore the extin-
guished House of Austria, by marrying his
daughter, Maria Theresa, to Prince Francis
of Lorraine, we soon came to an understand-
ing, and the preliminaries were signed. (101)

The day after this signature, I went to the
emperor to congratulate him on having got
out of such a sreape as this war, and entreated
him to beware lest Russia should involve him
in another with the Turks. I said to him:
"In proportion as one grows old, Sire, one
venules to speak the truth with greater
boldness. Before we begin we ought to ask
ourselves what we mean to do, what we are
able to do? You neither want, nor are you
able, to take Widdin and Nissa, but you may
lose Belgrade. The Bosruacs and the Servi-
ans, and the best of the Asiatics, will be against
you Against the Russians there will be only
Tartars, Arnauts, Christians, Greeks of the
right bank of the Dniester, who, being sepa-
rated from them by deserts, will do them no

232 MEMOIRS OF

great injury. They may do you harm if they
prove victorious. Part of your subjects are
of their religion. Animosities will arise be-
tween your two courts, and ill-humour and
distrust will prevail among the commanders
of your two imperial armies.

" You have nobody to run about, as I did
when young, to all the courts to prevent the
coalition from falling to pieces. The Ger-
manic body is won by the gold or the seduc-
tive influence of France. Make an enumera-
tion of the inhabitants of your hereditary do-
minions, that every district may be obliged to
keep its regiment continually complete. For
the interest of the Hungarians, and your own,
prevent them from revolting, by making them
pay regular taxes, and furnish a certain num-
ber of recruits every year. You have no
money, but by far too many civil servants ;
have soldiers instead of counsellors.

et Purchase the King of Sardinia, Sire, that
he may preserve Lornbardy for you, and the
maritime powers, that they may preserve
the Low Countries ; that is to say, give them,

PRINCE EUGENE. 233

if necessary, one half of the revenues, that
you may receive the other without expence.
and prevent France from gaining such large
acquisitions. Since your majesty has lost Phi-
lipsburg, make Lintz a fortress ; and secure,
by force or other means, the Elector of Ba-
varia, if Franc* would attack you; and the
Elector of Saxony, in like manner, if the
King of Prussia, who is perceptibly aggran-
dizing himself, gained by Cardinal de Fleurv,
should threaten Bohemia. Care not for
the Turks, and I promise your majesty a glo-
rious reign, from the tranquillity which you
will insure to your dominions. " Such was mv
wish for this emperor.

It belongs to history to judge whether I
have finished well or ill. I know that since
the year 1717, consequently for these eighteen
years, I have fought no battles, but this was
for want of men, money, allies, and influence
at court (with pain I acknowledge it) ; aud
at length I caused peace to be restored to Eu-
rope, after two tolerable campaigns, in which,
if I have not acquired honor, I have at least
nothing to reproach myself with.

£34 MEMOIRS OF

It is said that during these two last cam-
paigns, Guido Stahrenberg, who was natu-
rally of his cousin Gundacker's partyr cla-
mored a good deal against me. This reminds
me of what Villars said to me at Rastadt:
le Our enemies are not in the field. Your's
are at Vienna, and mine at Versailles/ ' What
is not a little diverting, is, that this animosity
is asserted to have originated in a foolish trick
which is not at all like me, and which would
have betrayed either insolence or bad taste.
I had besides long given up the habit of
laughing, and had even relinquished my little
French peculiarities, in order to succeed the
better at the gravest court in the world.
Here is this palty anecdote as I have heard it
related. In my first campaign in Italy, on
the emperor's birth-day, when I gave a grand
dinner to all my generals, I am said to have
directed crackers to be laid under Stahrenberg^s
chair, and at the moment when he was raising
his glass to his lips to drink the emperor's
health, the trumpets and other instruments
which accompanied it gave the signal for the
explosion. The company thought it was a
mine ; and all ran away excepting the person

PRINCE EUGENE. 235

under whom was this little volcano. He
finished his glass, and calmly set it down
again on the table. Guido, enraged, it is
said, at this trial of his courage, never for-
gave me for it. What occasion could I have
to doubt it? We have known each other ever
since the siege of Vienna, when he was in
the city as captain and adjutant to his cousin
Rudiger. He is six years older than myself,
and has always displayed the greatest talents,
and the most exemplary valor, to which I
willingly do justice. I scarcely ever see him,
and as I imagine he possesses at present no
more influence than T have, perhaps we are
friends. Old generals who have been ene-
mies to one another, are like women whose
animosities subside at a certain age, because
they cease to be of any sex.

Of all the ministers, Zinzendorf was the
man to whose conversation I was most partial.
ts I will wager," said I to him, " that your
Excellency will be of my opinion. We want
no political sentences : the aspect of Europe
changes like that of a plain or a mountain,
by the accidents of light. People say, such a

236 MEMOIRS OF

kingdom is the natural enemy of another.
No such thing; if they are contiguous,, the
one should strive to secure the friendship, if
not the alliance, of the other, for its defence
against some more distant power. Why, after
the peace of Rastadt, did we not unite cordi-
ally .with France ? The party hostile to her in
England had been crushed ; and we should
have saved many millions of money and thou-
sands of lives. When one cannot give law,
one ought to think only how to avoid receiv-
ing it. But what is it that is called court-
policy, reasons of state ? What but the personal
interest either of the ambition or revenge of
the person in favor ? This last motive, Count,
has, I think, upon examining myself for in-
stance, had some influence upon me as well as
the first ; and a desire of power and wealth
gave a bias to Marlborough.5'

lt Which governments do you think the
best?" said Zinzendorf to me. " You will
take me for a tyrant/' I replied, " when I tell
you a military government. Monsters are
rare: why should the seven or eight thrones of
Europe be just at this moment filled by such ?

PRINCE EUGENE. 237

The monster king would be unjust and cruel
only to his friends and those about him; but
he would not be so to the country-gentleman,,
to the citizen, to the peasant, whom he would
govern by military laws, which are the clearest
and most prompt of any. Your Excellency
is an exception. But consider what I am
going to have the honor to observe to you.
The soldier is so weary of being cruel during
war, that he ceases to be so in time of peace.
I wish that every prime minister who decides
between them had been in the service, that he
might know what it is. He would consent to
arbitrations, as in a law-suit, mediations, mo-
derations, before he would determine to spill
so much blood/' " I confess/' said Zinzen-
dorf, ce that the cardinals who have been
ministers have caused the shedding of a great
deal, our good friend Fleury excepted, who
has no inclination that way. I think it is
ignorance, levity, which is always cruel like
infancy, that turn the scale in our councils in
favor of war, more frequently than you brave
men, who dread it for the sake of others, wish
it for your own, and at the same time prevent
or defer it as much as lies in your power. "

238 MEMOIRS OF

The other day the emperor took me out a
hunting with him, a thing without example
in the Spanish- Ausf< an etiquette, which I
find no fault with, because it is necessary for
the sovereign to keep up his dignity in regard
to the great, that the iatter may keep up
theirs in respect to the lower classes, and thus
form as it were a cascade of consideration.
Here is nearly what I said to him in the car-
riage. " If your majesty were desirous of
going to war again, I see no great generals to
command your armies. You must wait till
they arise. Conigseg is a courtier, and Nei-
perg a wit rather than a general. Khevenhuller
is the best of the three. The first is loved
and esteemed ; the second is more amiable,
because he is more piquant : he is feared on
account of his highly diverting sarcasms and
sallies; but he stands fire with admirable
coolness. The third is more capable of di-
recting the marches, the encampments, the
organization and the movement of troops.
Hildburghausen has courage, but little judg-
ment. As he has married my niece, people
imagine that I have undertaken the office
*f his instructor. They do both of us to©

PRINCE EUGENE. 239

much honor. He is called the white Eugene,
because he is as fair as I am dark. I wish
the Duke of Lorraine, jour majesty's son-
in-law, and his brother, Prince Charles (the
one twenty- six, and the other twenty -two
years of age), bestowed more application on
the subject. They possess genius, valor too
I believe, and will make themselves adored,
The second will have most talents. The
princes of the blood, even with less merit
than others, have superior advantages. Ap-
pointed at an early age to the command of
armies, they have more experience, and dare
to be much more enterprizing. Try these
last, Sire; perhaps you may find them
answer. Besides, the others know no more
of the matter than they." I had never talked
to him so long about business. He was not
fond of it any more than his father. It was
always a very short audience or councils of
conference. I like them much, because no
one dares give an opinion for which he has
to blush, if he would not lose the esteem
of his neighbor, who is there obliged to give
an account of his department. A sovereign,
difficult of access, is not on that account

-240 MEMOIRS OF

beyond the reach of mean disgraceful advice,
informations, calumnies, and prejudices.

Now I have nearly withdrawn from pub-
lic life. I play at piquet every evening
at Madame de Bathiany's, with Taroca,
Windischgratz, and Tessin, the Swedish am-
bassador. It is rather for the sake of con-
versation. People are more talkative when
they do not say, Let us talk, and round a card-
table they are more at their ease ; otherwise
games of commerce are extinguishers of so-
ciety. In war, I prefer games of chance. At
my head-quarters, those who won were put
into high spirits, and those who lost fought
better; 'tis soon over, and time is more valu-
able than money. I am fond of the company
of young people; they are more pure, not
having been corrupted by intrigue. I often
see the commander Zinzendorf, a man of en-
larged understanding, and good company, and
Frederic Harrach, who adds to these qualities
considerable talents for business. I foresee
that he will be raised to important posts, as
will in war Dhaun and Brown. The first
possesses most merit; the second will have

PRINCE EUGENE. 241

boldness; and the last, superior talents for
discipline and the essential details, without
being trifling. Joseph Wenzl Lichtenstein is
likewise a brave general, a good citizen, and
a genuine nobleman. Seckendorf and Schmet-
tau, with military qualities, depend rather too
much on circumstances.

Young Cobentzl, a man of great intelli-
gence, often visits at Madame de Bathiany's.
He one day said to her : te It is generally
believed, madam, that you have married
Prince Eugene/' '? I love him much too
well for that/' replied she; c< I would rather
have a bad reputation, than take away his,
and thus abuse his age at seventy-two/'

Kaunitz, at the same age as Cobentzl,
without possessing so much character, such
readiness in conversation, will have enlarged
views. He has just, noble, and profound
ideas. I am almost as much attached to
Madame Strattmann as to her sister, my mis-
tress, as she is called.

fC If you were not religious, and I was five-
Q

243 MEMOIRS OF

and-twenfy, what would be the consequence ? '!
said I one day to Madame de Bathiany.
" Nothing/' replied she, " things would be
just as they are. I am religious, in the first
place, because I love God, and because I
believe and put my trust in him ; in the next
place, this is a safe-guard of my peace, which
would come to the aid of my wounded self-
love, if I were to be forsaken ; and then, that
I may be able to scoff at women who have
lovers. I am religious, because I have neither
fear, nor hope, nor desire, in this life; and
because the £ood which I do for the poor,
from humanity, is of benefit to my soul. I
am religious, because the wicked fear me,
and are disgusting to me. I am religious,
that I may not have occasion to be continually
watchful of my reputation ; women who, are
not, dare not say or do any thing ; they are
like thieves who think themselves pursued by
the police wherever they go. But I detest
those who assume the mask of piety, or -are
religious only on account of the immortality
of the soul. Were mine to perish with me,
I would nevertheless -endeavour to be virtu-
ous as I do at present. It is not so much for

PRINCE EUGENE. 245

fear of God, as out of gratitude for his favors,,
and lo^e to him, that I am religious, without
publicly proclaiming it like those ladies who
make a trade of the thing to please the court,
rather than to please heaven."

I have been happy in this life, and I wish
to be so in the other. There are old dragoons
who will pray to heaven for me, and I have
more faith in their prayers, than in those of
all the old women of the court and of the
city clergy. The fine music, whether simple
or more obstreperous, of the divine service,
delights me. The one has something religi-
ous, which awes the soul ; the other reminds
me, by the flourishes of trumpets and kettle-
drums, which so often led my soldiers to
victory, of the God of hosts who has blessed
our arms. I have scarcely had time to sin ;
but I have set a bad example, perhaps, with-
out knowing it, by my negligence of the forms
of religion, in which I have, however, inva-
riably believed. I have sometimes spoken
evil of people, but only when I thought myself
obliged to do so ; and have said : " Such an
one is a coward, and such an one a scoundrel. "
I have sometimes given way to passion ; but

24* Mi of

who could help swearing to see a general or a
^er.t that Id not do their duty, or an
adjutant ^ho did not understand one? I have
been too caj i a sold lived like a

philosopher. I *Msh to die as a christian. I
: like swa_ either in war or in re-

ligion, and haps from ha? iog seen ri-

diculous ir like those of the French-

of whom I hive spoken on the one hand,
rotriea on ll I have

always kept aloof from bo:L I have

so often beheld death near at hand, that I had
become familiar with him. But now it is no
same thins:. Then I sought him,
now I wait for him ; and meanwhile I live in
peace. I look upon the past as a pleasing
dream. y n gala dajs,

etheat. there is m Italian opera,

. :, or a fine ballet. If we had

a Frecch company, I v ; j to see AthaHc,

I am delighted with

the eloquence c rda-

loue inspires me with Ion fills

me with he * were born in the same

and I knew him on his entrance into the

_ — 2 - .e man.

I saw them

PRIXCE EUGENE. 245

also in my youth ; and Marlborough and I
paid the latter all possible honors when we
took Cambrai. I have forgotten the epigrams
of Rousseau, and even his ode for me: but I
read hi? psalms and hymns over and over
again. I still retain mv memory, as may be
seen ; and I think I have forgotten nothing
except my enemies in this country, whom I
forgive with all my heart. A foreigner, and
successful ! — This was too much for them.
My health is very good, considering my age
of seventy-two Tears, the fatigues of I know-
not how many campaigns, and the effects of I
can't tell how many wounds. The Chevalier
Carelli, my physician and friend, furnishes me
with a sure remedy for curing as he says the
radical humidity, which he thinks somewhat
wasted. I have yet mauy things to do for
the embellishment of my gardens and palace ;
for instance, I mean to buy all the ground
in front of that in which I live, and at which
I have employed fifteen hundred workmen
(because it was a time of dearth, and this was
beneficial to the city of Vienna}, to form a
fine square, with a splendid fountain in the
middle. If I should live a little longer, ( 10
shall not fail to write down whatever I recol-
lect, and what comes into mv head, which

246 MEMOIRS OF PRINCE EUGENE.

is still pretty strong, though, to annoy me,
people have asserted that my faculties were
considerably decayed. It was once strong
enough to prevent me from dying of vexation,
as my friend Prince Louis of Baden did, about
thirty years ago. I shrugged my shoulders
at it, and kept on my usual course. For in-
stance, if I were to interfere in public affairs,
I would say to the emperor : " Take all pos-
sible precautions respecting your succession ;
it will be involved in dreadful confusion.
Two or three powers will lay claim to it,
Prevent all this in your life-time. Here is an
occasion for posting about as I did in my
time to Munich, Berlin, London, the Hague/'
&c. The army and artillery are neglected.
We shall not be capable of resistance, unless
we contrive to prevent all that is likely to
happen ; and unless, above all things, on the
death of Charles VI. we refuse to go to war
with the Turks. I wish prosperity to the
House of Austria, which will soon be that of
Austria- Lorraine, and hope that it will ex-
tricate itself from this embarrassment. I have
written enough to day, and will now mount
my horse to go and look at a lion which has
just arrived at my menagerie^ on the road to
Schweikelt..,,,. .,,,

( 247 }

NOTES.

1685.

(1) Page 24. The Prince of Hanover, fyc. — George
Ernest, who on the death of Queen Anne ascended the
British throne by the title of George I.

1686.

(2) Page lb* Here, Sire, is a young Savoyard —
The address of the Prince of Baden, which is suppressed
by the author with that modesty which is ever found to
accompany true merit, was as follows; u Here, Sire, is a
young Savoyard, whom I have the honor to present to
your imperial majesty, and who bids fair to equal in
time the greatest generals that have ever lived."

(3) Page 26. Thirty thousand Turks — This is un-
doubtedly one of those errors, which so easily occur in
transcribing numbers. Other accounts state the force of
the Turks in this sally at three thousand, which may be
presumed correct.

(4) Page 27. The Duke of Mantua— Ferdinand
Charles, son of Charles III. Duke of Mantua, and Isa-
bella Clara, daughter of Leopold, archduke of Austria.
He was the last of his family, and after his death, ia
1706, the emperor took possession of his dominions.

248 NOTES.

1687.

(5) Page 29. Where King Louis had perished—
In 1526, Louis, the last King of Hungary, fell at
Mohatz with twenty-two thousand of his men, in an
engagement with the Turks, commanded by their
sultan, Solyman II.

(6) Page 29. This excited the general laughter
of the soldiers — The Duke of Mantua, says the
Histoire du Prince Eugene, asked General Caprara
from what place the battle might be most conveniently
viewed. Caprara mentioned Mount Hersan, to which
the duke repaired with all possible expedition, and never
quitted his post till the engagement was over. This oc-
casioned much mirth, and the soldiers gave this hill the
name of Mirror of Mantuan Valour, which it long re-
tained.

(7) Page 29. The nezes of this victory to the emperor
—-In the Turkish camp, which was abandoned with the
artillery and all the baggage to the conquerors, they
made a prodigious booty in jewels and money. Sixteen
hundred elephants and camels, and an immense numbee
of other beasts of burden, fell into their hands. Princr
Eugene's dragoons, being the first that penetrated into
the enemy's camp, had the picking of the spoil ; they
could scarcely carry their knapsacks, which they filled
with ducats. The loss of the Mussulmans, according
to the statement of the grand vizir himself, amounted to
thirty thousand killed and wounded; that of the im-
perialists to less than one thousand.

(8) Page 29. 1 reached Vienna in a very few days —
Tie used such dispatch, says the Histoire already quoted,
that in three days he reached Vienna, though he had near
one hundred leagues to travel.

(9) Page 30. History , / hope, will record the glori-
ous conduct of Commcrci, at the battle of Hersan — This
young prince, of the House of Lorraine, was inexpres-
sibly brave. On this occasion he headed the volunteers.
Observing tfyat a cornet of his regiment had lost his
colors in the skirmish previous to the general engage-
ment, he requested permission of the Duke of Lorra'm*

NOTES. 249

to take another from the enemy. The duke yielded to
his intreaties. Commerci, perceiving a Turkish en-
sign carrying a small standard at the end of a javelin,
ran up to him, and when very near, fired his pistol at
him. Having missed his aim, he threw away his pis.
tol and drew his sword. The Turk seized this oppor-
tunity to plunge the javelin into his side, and as he
was endeavoring to draw it out again, the prince seized
the weapon with his left hand, and with his right cleft
the Turkish officer's head. He then pulled out the
javelin, carried the standard, stained with his blood, to
the Duke of Lorraine, and sent for his cornet, whom
he thus coolly addressed : — " There, sir, is a standard,
which I entrust you with. It has cost me rather
dear, and you will do me the favor to take better care
of it than of that which you suffered to be taken from
you." This singular reprimand was almost as much
admired as the action itself. Commerci recovered of
his wound ; and the emperor being made acquainted
with the circumstances of this achievement, wished to
see the Turkish standard. It was of red taffeta, with
a crescent embroidered in gold in the middle. The
monarch ordered it to be preserved in a church, and
the empress with her own hands made another pair of
colors, and sent it to the prince, in the place of that
which his company had lost.

1688.

(10) Page 31. Twelve thousand men killed on
both sides — On the side of the Turks five thousand
janissaries were killed, besides a great number of
other troops. The imperialists had about four
ihousand killed during the siege and in the general
assault, and two thousand wounded.

A few days after the taking of the town a singular
discover;, was made. Some soldiers searching in a
mosque, found the head of the grand vizir, Kara
Mustapha, who commanded the Turkish army at the
siege of Vienna, in 1683. It was enclosed in an iron
cagej with a white shirt on one side of it, and the

2a0

NOTES.

Koran on the other. The Elector of Bavaria
thought it a suitable present for Cardinal Colonitz,
Bishop of Raab, because the grand vizir hid
frequently promised, when writing to the sultan, that
he would soon send him. the head of that prelate.
The cardinal accepted this extraordinary present, and
allowed it to be deposited in the Arsenal of Vienna,
together with the shirt, the Koran, and the very cord
with which the vizir had been strangled.

1689.

(11) Page 32. My three superior officers were
employed in the empire — The election of au arch-
bishop of Cologne had embroiled the emperor with
Louis XIV. The candidates, Cardinal Furstenberg,
a creature of France, and Prince Joseph of Bavaria,
having an equal number of votes, the decision, as
usual in such cases, was referred to Pope Inno^
cent XI. w-ho being a declared enemy to Louis, de-
cided in favor of the latter, though it was proved
that he had neither attained the age prescribed, nor
•was a canon of the church of Cologne, both indis-
pensably necessary qualifications. To resent this
procedure, Louis sent an army of sixty thousand men
to the Rhine, under his son, the Dauphin, who com-
menced his operations by taking Philipsburg. It was
to oppose the progress of this prince that the Duke
of Lorraine and the Elector of Bavaria were dis-
patched with the flower of the imperial troops.

(12) Page 32. The Duke of Savoy— Victor
Aroedaeus was born in 1666; succeeded his father as
Duke of Savoy in 1675. The wavering policy of
this prince, of which the reader will find instances
enough in this work, was perhaps less the effect of
a naturally fickle disposition, than of the situation
of his dominions, contiguous to those of two great
rival potentates. As Prince Eugene emphatically
observes, his geographical position prevented his
being a man of honor. Though stripped at times of
nearly all his states, yet by his alliance with Austria,

NOTES. 25 1

notwithstanding the marriage of his daughter with
(he Duke of Burgundy, the grandson of Louis XtV,
he was put into possession of the kingdom of Sicily,
at the peace of Utrecht in 1713, but exchanged it m
1720 for that of Sardinia. In 1730 he abdicated the
throne in a fit of caprice, and afterwards endeavored
but in vain to recover it from his son. He died in
1732, aged sixty-seven. Keysler, in his travels, gives
many interesting anecdotes of the private history of
this monarch.

1690.

(13) Page 35. He is an excellent general — Ni-
colas C.'itinat was born at Paris in 1637, and was
bred to the bar, but losing a cause which had justice
on its side, he renounced the profession for that of
arms. He signalized himself in the early campaigns
of Louis XIV. in Flanders; was gradually promoted
to the highest rank in the army, and in 1693 he
became a marshal of France. After his appoint-
ment to an independent command he was generally
successful, till, during the war of the Spanish succes-
sion, he was sent to oppose Prince Eugene, who in
this work pays a just tribute to his military talents
and experience. In 1705 the king would have
created him a chevalier, but he refused that honor.
The latter years of his life were passed in retirement,
at his estate at St. Gratien, where he died in 1712,
aged seventy-four. The Duke de St. Simon gives in
his memoirs the following character of this general.
" I have so often spoken of Marshal Catiirat, of his
virtues, of his prudence, of his modesty, of his disinter-
estedness, of the superiority of his sentiments, of his
great military talents, that I have here only to men-
tion his death at a very advanced age, without hav-
ing ever been married or acquired any wealth, at his
smnll seat at St. Gratien, near St. Denis, to which he
had retired. At this place, which he never left for
some years, he would scarcely see any body. He
there reminded you, by his simplicity, frugality, con-

252 NOTES.

tempt of the world, peace of mind, and uniformity
of conduct, of iho?e great men, who after well earn-
ed triumphs cheerfully returned to the plough^ still
animated by love of their country, but insensible to
the ingratitude of Rome. Catinat improved his phi-
losophy by fervent piety ; he possessed genius, saga-
city, and judgment. ; In his dress, equipages, furniture,
house, and every thing else, prevailed the greatest
simplicity, which likewise distinguished his appearance
and manners. He was tall, thin, had a pensive air,
and tine intelligent eyes. He deplored the egregious
errors which he saw committed after his time, the
extinction of all emulation, the luxury, emptiness,
ignorance, the confusion of ranks, and the inquisition
established instead of the police. lie perceived all
the symptoms of destruction, and said that nothing
less than an overwhelming convulsion could restore
order in the kingdom." Catinat died near eighty
years before the accomplishment of this remarkable
prediction.

(14) Page 36. 7 did not chuse to remind my dear
cousin of his presumption — It cost him three thousand
four hundred men killed, one thousand five hundred
wounded, and two thousand prisoners, besides the
loss of his artillery and equipages.

(15) Page 36. The Duke oj Mantua, who had
formed new connections — This prince, instead of
standing neuter as he had engaged, was so much in
the French interest, that he kept up a force of six
thousand men to repel the imperialists, in case they
should approach his dominions. Eugene, whose
measures were always marked wilh decision, entered
the duchy of Mantua, and raised contributions as in
an enemy's country.

1691.

(16) Page 37. Praised the siege — The circum-
stances that led to the raising of the siege of Coni, as
jelated in the Histoire du Prince Eugene, together
•with the preliminary observations, may afford an use-

NOTES. 253

ful lesson to the military officer. It was a maxim with
the prince, that a general before he takes the field ought
to be thoroughly acquainted with the characters of the
enemy's commanders. He was rather reserved than
talkative ; but when he had taken a prisoner, or happen-
ed to be in company with any foreigner, he asked wilh
great address question after question concerning the force
of their respective countries, the discipline of the troops,
and in particular, the genius and talents of the officers
■who commanded them. These enquiries, together with
an excellent memory, had already made him familiar
with the good, and bad qualities of every general in
Europe; and in the sequel, there was not one among the
Turks with whose character he was not better acquaint-
ed than the sultan who employed him. Besides this, it
was his opinion that stratagems and valor shou'd go hand
in hand in war. This maxim he learned from the
ancients, and he sometimes carried it to excess.

Be this as it may, Prince Eugene, on being informed
that the Marquis dc Bulonde was left commander-in-
chief of the besieging army, assured the Duke of Savoy
that he would deliver Coni. Knowing that Bulonde was
a man of mean abilities, extremely credulous, and easily
alarmed by the most trifling matter, he contrived a stra-
tagem which was crowned with complete success. He
Wrote a letter to the Marquis de Rovere, governor of
Coni, stating that he was coming with a force to his re-
lief, and hoped the next day to attack the besiegers hi
their lines; begging him to make the necessary dispo-
sitions on his part for a general sortie with the garrison
while he should be engaged with the en«my. This letter
was given to a peasant, with directions to carry it with
all possible dispatch to the governor. The man, [as the
prince had foreseen, was seized by a party of the enemy's
scouts; the letter was found in his pocket, and he was
conducted to M. de Bulonde. That officer had pre-
viously received an express from Catinat, to inform him
that Prince Eugene was marching from Mondovi with four
thousand cavalry and six thousand militia, to compel, him
to raise the siege, and to desire him not to give himself
the least uneasiness on that head> because he would

254 NOTES.

certainly be joined by the Marquis de St. Silvestre, with
a reinforcement of two thousand five hundred horse,
before the prince had proceeded half way. For the rest
he ordered him not to stir from his camp, assuring him
that if he did he should be responsible for what might
happen. All this was not sufficient to dispel the appre-
hensions excited by the letter of the prince. So great
were the fears of Bulonde, that he could not give his
orders without stammering. Every oue who beheld the.
embarrassment expressed in his countenance expected
him to commit some egregious blunder. It was not lon^
before he ordered the baggage to be packed, and scarcely
had the army struck the tents when he took to his heels,
leaving behind his artillery, ammunition, and part of his
baggage, of which the garrison took possession when he
was gone. The sick and wounded, whdm he also
abandoned, were put to the sword.

1692.

(17) Page 41. The Order of the Golden Fleece was
sent to me — This honor was conferred on the prince by
the King of Spain, who at the same time commissioned
him to deliver the insignia of the order to his friend and
companion in arms. Prince Louis of Baden.

1693.

(18) Page 42. Let us too treat the Germans a la tart are
—The victory was complete on the part of the French,
but they sullied it by the cruel revenge which they took.
The allies had five thousand five hundred men killed iu
the field of battle, two thousand taken prisoners, and
upwards of two thousand wounded. They lost part of
their artillery, together with a great number of standards
and colours.

1696.

(19) Page 47. Sent me a proposal to pass into his
service — The offers made by the king on this occasion

NOTES. 255

were very advantageous, comprehending (he rank of
Marshal of France, (he government of Champagne,
which the prince's father had enjoyed, and a yearly pen-
sion of two thousand pistoles. Eugene however re-
jected them with disdain, replying that he was a field -
marshal in the emperor's army, a dignity which he
considered as at least equal to that of Marshal of
France; and that as to pensions, they had no tempta-
tion for him, as he thought himself quite rich enough, as
long as he could find opportunities to evince his fidelity
and zeal in the service of the monarch, to whom he had
attached himself.

1697.

(20) Page 47. The grand signor^ Kara Musfapha
—This prince, brought up among the women and eu-
nuchs of the seraglio, was totally ignorant of military
affairs, but so vain and obstinate that he resolved to
assume in person the command of his armies. A
French engineer and Count Tekeli made some amends
for his ignorance. Having gained some advantages over
the imperialists in the preceding campaigns, and taken
from them the important town of Belgrade, he now
advanced, elated with his success, towards Hungary,
Like the projectors of the boasted Spanish Armada,
destined for the conquest of the British island?, lie hau
made so sure of victory, that he had provided a pro-
digious quantity of fetters and hand-cuffs, to secure, as
he said, all the officers of the imperial army, from the
general to the subalterns, whom he reckoned upon
making slaves, as well as all the private soldiers. This
terrible apparatus filled a great number of waggon-',
which accompanied the baggage ; but, as will be seen in
the sequel, his sublime highness had as little occasion for
it as the Spaniards, on the occasion alluded to above.

(21) Page 50. On the opposite side of the river —
The booty taken by the conquerors was immense. Alt
the tents of the Turkish army, which were left standing,
nine thousand waggons laden with baggage, provisions,
and the fetters mentioned in the preceding note; six

£56 NOTES.

thousand camels; seven thousand horses; one hundred
pieces of large cannon, and sixty of field artillery ; seven
horse-tails, and four hundred and twenty. three other
standards fell into the hands of the imperialists. The loss
of the latter almost borders on the marvellous, consider,
ing that they had to attack a numerous army, well en-
trenched, and very strong in artillery. According to the
Histoire du Prince Eugene they had four hundred and
thirty men killed, and about one thousand six hundred
"wounded. The Prince himself states his loss at one
thousand, in which number he probably reckons only
those who either fell in the engagement, or afterwards
died of their wounds.

(2*2) Page 50. 1 sent Van dement — From the interest-
ing dispatches in which the Prince transmitted the
account of his victory to the emperor, and in which
he terms himself, with his characteristic modesty,
the ' unworthy commander cf so brave an army,
it appears that there must be a mistake here, and that
Count Dietrichstein was the bearer of the glorious
intelligence.

(23) Page 50. Burned Seraio-— This was a considera-
ble tow n of Bosnia, celebrated for its trade and manu-
factures, containing near six thousand houses, one
hundred and fifty mosques, and above thirty thousand
inhabitants. The cause of its destruction was as follows.
Prince Eugene, wishing to sound the dispositions of the
inhabitants, sent officers at different times for that purpose,
but they returned without being able to speak with any
person. A cornet of Caprara's regiment offered to un-
dertake the commission, promising to acquit himself
better than the others had done, and a trumpeter was
ordered to accompany him. Being a man of great
courage, he advanced to the gates of the town, which he
found open and unguarded. He entered the first street,
and finding not a single living creature in it, proceeded to
another, and ordered the trumpet to sound. The noise
drew many of the inhabitants out of their houses : the
officer held up at a distance a paper, containing assurances
from Prince Eugene, that he would do them no inju-
ry, if they would receive the imperialists into their town.

NOTES. 257

I'he only answer returned was a discharge of musketry,
which killed the trumpeter on the spot, and wounded the
cornet so severely that he had great difficulty to crawl
back to the camp. The Prince was so exasperated that
he protested he would burn the town, and immediately
marched to execute this design. It was found that the
Turks had withdrawn from it to the castle, built upon an
eminence and difficult of access. Eugene reflecting on
the miseries in which the accomplishment of his purpose
would involve so many innocent victims, relented from
his purpose, forbade his soldiers upon pain of death to
set fire to any of the houses, but to gratify them, allowed
them to plunder the place. The Turks having had time
to remove their most valuable effects to the castle, the men,
found very little booty, and, probably from disappoint-
ment and revenge, diso&eyed the general's orders, for the
town was set on fire, though by what means could never
be discovered.. All exertions to extinguish the flames
proved fruitless. The conflagration, favored by a high
wind, destroyed the greater part of the houses and every
one of the mosques, and lasted all night and part of the
next day.

(24) Page 51. When Schlick— Count Schlick, captain
of the Imperial life-guards.

J?00.

(-25) Page 56. Influenced as much by justice as
by consanguinity — Louis William, Margrave of Baden,
general of the imperial troops, was the son of Ferdinand
Maximilian of Baden and Louisa, daughter of Thomas
Prince of Carignan ; and consequently a near relation of
Prince Eugene. He died commander in chief of the im-
perial army on the Rhine, at his palace at Rastadt, in
January, 1707, aged 52.

(26) Page 56. Louis Hector de Villars, whose father
was of low extraction, raised himself to the rank of
duke and peer of France, and grandee of Spain. He was
born in 1651, commenced his military career in 1671, and
having distinguished himself on various occasions was
made marechal-de-camp in 1690. In 1699 he was lent as

£

2^8 NOTES.

envoy extraordinary to Vienna, where he remained till
the breaking out of the war in 1702, when the French
king gave him the command of one of his armies in Ger-
many. He gained in the same year the victory of Fried,
lingen, and in 1704 was sent to quell the insurrection
which had broken out in the Cevennes. In 1705 he was
elevated to the ducal dignity, and in the campaigns of the
following year was commander in chief of the French
armies in Germany. He was afterwards sent to Flanders,
where he was defeated and wounded at Malplaquet in
1709, but triumphed over the allies in 1712 at Denain
and Marchienne. His success in the following year is
recorded in this work, as is als© the share which he had
in 1714 in concluding the peace of Rastadt. Villars
continued to be a particular object of royal favor after
the accession of Louis XV. In October, 1733, that
monarch conferred on him the title of marshal general of
his camps and armies ; in the same month he asssumed
the command of the French troops in Italy, and in con-
junction with the King of Sardinia, subdued the Milanese.
The fatigues of this campaign, at his advanced age, im-
paired his health, and in June, 1734, he died at Turin, in
his 84th year. The character of Villars by the Dukecle
St. Simon is probably overcharged : his avarice, vanity,
and self-conceit were undoubtedly very great ; but it is
scarcely possible that so accurate an observer as Prince
Eugene could have been mistaken in regard to his military
talents.

(57) Page 57. I could not prevail upon him to relax
in this respect.- — In the letters written by Villars to the
king during this embassy, we find the following anecdote,
which proves the animosity entertained by the King of the
Romans, who afterwards ascended the imperial throne
by the name of Joseph I. not only against Villars himself,
but against the whole nation to which he belonged.
" The prince being out riding, and having his drawn
sword in his hand, happened to cast his eyes upon me.
Being just then under the queen's windows, and conver-
sing' with her, he trembled with rage, and said to the
queen, as I am credibly informed : 4 If I durst I would

NOTES. 259

begin with that Frenchman,' and then rode off at full
gallop, as if for fear of yielding to the temptation."

(28) Page 57. We all three parted very good
friends — Villars, in his memoirs, says, t]j at every body-
shunned him except Prince Eugene of Savoy, the Prince
of Baden, and some other persons of distinction, too far
above suspicion to concern themselves about the opinion
of the courtiers. In another place he observes that at
his departure from Vienna, Prince Eugene was pleased to
give him public marks of esteem and friendship. Some
of the courtiers, he continues, were astonished to observe
such cordiality between persons who were soon likely to
be opposed to one another in the field. "Gentlemen,"
said Villars, " I rely upon the kindness of Prince
Eugene, and am confident thathe wishes me well, while on
my part I wish him all the prosperity he deserves, ex-
cept that which would be contrary to the interests of the
king, my master. But shall I tell you where the real
enemies of Prince Eugene are to be found ? His are at
Vienna, and mine at Versailles."

(29) Page 58. On the throne of Constantinople —
A letter written to Louis XIV. in 1688, by Villars, at
that time envoy to the court of Bavaria, contains the
following statement relative to this subject, and throws
additional light on the character and credulity of the
Emperor Leopold. — u The elector said to me : you
ought to know the emperor as well as I do, to be able
to give credit to the reasons which have prevented him
from making peace with the Turks, but as you have been
at Vienna, you will be the less surprised at them. There
are monks who have foretold that the empress should
become pregnant, that she should be delivered of twins,
and that at the same time the Turkish empire should be
destroyed, and one of these twins should reign at Con-
stantinople. The pregnancy of the empress appeared
about the time that we took Belgrade ; the emperor
believed the rest of the prophecy, and would not at
that time hear a word about peace. This, Sire, was told
me by the Elector, and I have no doubt of the truth of
his information."

Ib another letter to the king, written during his

r2

260

NOTES.

embassy to the court of Vienna, in October, 1700, V li-
ters says : — " Count Walstein, one of the ministers,
who places the greatest faith in predictions, told the Ve-
netian ambassador, from whom I had it, that the empe-
ror has a particular cabinet council, in which he takes
surprising resolutions, insinuating that he is assisted by
supernatural intelligences, which inspire him with greater
fortitude and hope than they have themselves. — The rea-
son of this," adds Villars, " is, bacause the Abbe Joa-
chim having prophesied things concerning the emperor,
from his childhood, which have proved correct, this
prince, who was brought up for the church, pays greater
regard to all this stuff than his naturally good under-
standing would allow one to suppose he could."

(30) Page 59. We have no Clements or Ravaillacs. —
Jaques Clement, a Jacobine monk, assassinated Henry
III. king of France, in 1558. His successor, Henry
JV. in 1610, experienced the same fate, being stabbed by
Francois Ravaiilac, another religious fanatic.

1701.

(31) Page 64. The ignorant and presumptuous ViU
Uroy — Villeroy, says the Duke de St. Simon, was a man
exactly cut out to preside at a ball, to be the judge at a
tournament, and, if he had had a voice, to sing the parts
of kings and heroes at the opera, also well calculated to
set the fashions ; beyond this he was fit for nothing at
all. — As to his capacity for business, continues the same
writer, Torcy has told me that in council, the king would
frequently at first endeavour to explain to Villeroy the
subject before them ; that the marshal gave such absurd
opinions, or said and asked such silly things, that the
king blushed, and looked down with evident embarrass-
ment ; and that his majeaty never could accustom himself
to Villeroy's ignorance.

(32) Page 64. My cousin had the goodness to apprize
me of this — We always suspected, says Villars in his
Memoirs, a secret understanding between Prince Eugene
and the Duke. Such was our distrust of the latter, that
«ot only the orders for marches and encampments, but

NOTES. 261

also the most trivial operations, were concealed from him ;
nay, even one day he found himself surrounded with
ditches and redoubts, which he had not commanded to
be made, but the object of which had on the contrary
been disguised from him.

(33) Page 66. Notwithstanding the loss of the com-
Lined army — The number of killed amounted to near three
thousand, and that of the wounded was very considera-
ble. Of the imperialists not more than forty men were
slain, as they were covered from the enemy's fire by
their entrenchments.

1702.

(34) Page 70. The rest of the story ^ which is perfectly
well known — This attempt on Cremona is thus related
by the Duke de St. Simon : —

Prince Eugene obliged Villeroy to winter in the midst
of the Milanese, and there kept him very closely cooped
up, while he himself took quarters quite at his ease, and
greatly annoyed ours. In this advantageous situation
he conceived the design of surprising the centre of the
French quarters, hoping by this stroke, which would place
him in the midst of their army and country, to disperse
the one, make himself master of the other, and thus pave
the way to the conquest of Milan, and the few fortified
towns in that country. Cremona was the centre: it
had a Spanish governor and a very strong garrison ;
some additional troops had entered, on the conclusion of
the campaign, with Crenan, as commander-in-chief. Pras-
lin commanded the cavalry as brigadier, and Fimarcon
the dragoons. Towards the end of January, Revel,
first lieutenant-general, having arrived at Cremona, su-
perseded Crenan in the chief command. He received or-
ders from Villeroy, who was making a tour of his quar-
ters, to send a strong detachment to Parma, which was
demanded by its duke for its safety, and which there was
afterwards reason to suspect he had asked for in concert
with Priuce Eugene, for the purpose of weakening the
garrison of Cremona as much as possible. Revel, on
hearing of the different movements of the enemy, like a

262 NOTES.

prudent officer, merely kept the detachment in readiness
without sending it away. Villcroy having finished his
tour, arrived on the 31st of January, early in the day
at Cremona; and having approved of Revel's reasons for
detaining the detachment, hp supped with a numerous
company. He was observed to be extremely thoughtful
and absent, and retired at a very early hour.

Prince Eugene having been informed that there was at
Cremona an ancient sewer, which terminated at some
distance beyond the walls, and passed under the house of
a priest ; that this sewer had recently been cleansed ; that
a very small quantity of water ran through it, and that
the city had once before .been surprised by means of it ;
directed its mouth to be secretly reconnoitered. He
bribed the priest who lived near a gate of the city,
which was walled up and not guarded. He introduced
into Cremona as many chosen men as possible, under the
disguise of priests and peasants, who concealed them-
selves in the friendly house. These provided themselves
as secretly as possible with hatchets. All the necessary
{^reparations being judiciously ajid quickly made, Prince
Eugene gave a strong detachment to Prince '1 liomas de
Vaudcmont, first lieutenant-general of his army, and the
only son of the governor-general of the Milanese for
the King of Spain. To him he communicated his design,
with directions to make himself master of the tete du
j)ont of the Po, and to hasten to his assistance when he
should be engaged in the city. He detached five hundred
picked men, under intelligent officers, to proceed up the
aqueduct to the house of the priest, where the soldiers
whom he smuggled into the place, and who were by this
time to have reconnoitered the ramparts, posts, and
streets of the city, Mere in waiting, and were to go with
them to open the gate that had been walled up to the rest
of the troops. At, the same time he marched in person,
and in considerable force towards the same point, Thii
plan, concerted with judgment, was executed with pre-
cisio id the greatest secrecy and success. The first
person that perceived any thing of the matter was Cre-
nan's cook, who, going to the store-house at break of
day, saw the streets full of soldiers in strange uniforms.

NOTES. 263

He ran back into the house, and awoke his master, but
neither he nor the valets would believe him ; however,
in this uncertainty, Crenau dressed himself in a moment,
went out, and was but too soon convinced of the truth
of the information. At the same moment, by an acci-
dent which saved Cremona, one of the regiments happen-
ed to be drawn up in one of the squares. Its colonel,
D'Entragues, was a young man of high honor, assiduous
in the duties of his profession, a brave soldier, and ar-
dently desirous of signalizing himself. D'Entragues had
ordered out his regiment for the purpose of exercising
his men, at the first dawn of day. The battalions were
already under arms and formed, when he perceived indis-
tinctly, before it was yet light, files of infantry forming
at the opposite end of the street in which he was. Ha
knew from the orders issued the preceding day, that no
regiment was to march, and that none but his was to be
inspected. Apprehensive of some surprise, he immedi-
ately marched up to these troops, discovered them to be
imperialists, charged and routed them, sustained the at-
tack of fresh forces which came up, and fought with
such obstinacy, that he gained time for the whole city to
be roused, and most of the troops, which, but for him,
would have been massacred in their sleep, to seize their
arms and assemble.

Marshal de Villeroy, who was already dressed and
writing in his room, heard a noise, ordered his horse, and
sent out to learn what was the matter. He was just
mounting, when he was informed by several messengers
at once, that the enemy were in the city. He rode down
the street towards the great square, which is always the
rendezvous in case of alarm, attended only by an aid-
de-camp and a pa^c. On turning the corner of the
street, he fell in with a corps de garde, by which he was
surrounded and stopped. Aware that resistance would
be useless, he whispered to the officer, telling him who
he was, promising him ten thousand pistoles and a regi-
ment, besides still greater rewards from the king, if he
would let him go. The officer was inflexible ; he replied
that he had not served the emperor so long to betray
him at last, and conducted the marshal to Prince Eugene.

264 ^OTES.

Some time after Villeroy seeing Crenan carried along a
pri: ouer and mortally wounded, exclaimed, that he wish-
ed himself in h?s place.

Meanwhile Revel, on whom the chief command de-
volved, strove to rally his men. Every street was the
theatre of an action. Most of the troops were dispersed,
some in corps, many scarcely armed, and others even in
their shirts ; nevertheless they all fought with the greatest
intrepidity, but were mostly repulsed and driven inch by
inch to the ramparts, where they of course rallied.
Had the enemy taken possession of these, or had they
not left the French time to recover themselves, and to
form there with all their forces, the interior of the city
would never nave been able to resist them. Praslin, not
seeing Montgon, marechai de camp, who had gone out at
the first alarm, and judging that the business would be
very warm, prudently retired, saying that he was se-
verely wounded, which assertion, however, proved un-
true. Montgon had put himself at the head of the Irish
battalions, which wnder his command performed won-
ders. They posted themselves in the squares, and clear-
ed the neighboring streets, though continually engaged
in attacking or defending themselves. Praslin bethought
himself that the safety of Cremona, if it could be saved
at all, depended on breaking down the bridge across the
Po, to prevent the imperialists from receiving succours
t\)jit way ; and this he repeated till Mahoni went to com-
municate to Revel the id^a which had never struck him,
and who thought the advice so good, that he sent word
io Praslin to do whatever he thought fit. He himself at
the same moment sent orders to withdraw the troops in
the redoubt at the fete du jwnt. There was not a mo-
ment to be lost. Prince Thomas de Vaudemont was
already in sight. The troops were withdrawn, and the
bridge broken down before his face, notwithstanding all
the fire of his musketry to prevent the operation. It was
how three o'clock in the afternoon ; Prince Eugene had
gone to the town-house, to receive the oaths of the ma-
gistrates. On leaving the place, alarmed at seeing his
troops giving way in most quartern, and uneasy at not
seeing the Prince of Vaudemont arrive with reinforce-

. NOTES. 263

ments, he went up with the Prince of Commerci into
the steeple of the cathedral, to embrace at one view what
was passing in every part of the city. No sooner were
they 'here, than they saw Vauclemont with his detach-
ment on the bank of the Po, and the bridge broken, so
as to deprive them of his assistance. They were not
better pleased with what they observed in the different
quarters of the city and of the ramparts. Enraged at
the unpromising state of his enterprize, after wanting so
little of complete success', Prince Eugene on descending
raved and tore his hair, and though superior in number,
began to think of retreat. Fimarcon meanwhile per-
formed prodigies with his dragoons, whom he had ordered
to dismount. At the same time, Revel, who saw his
troops overcome with hunger, fatigue, and wounds, and
who had himself taken not a moment's rest any more
than they ever since day-break, also thought of with-
drawing them, and whatever else he could, into the citadel
of Cremona, where they might at least defend themselves
under shelter, and obtain a capitulation ; so that the hos-
tile commanders both meditated a retreat at the same
time. The conflict therefore slackened in most parts
towards evening, under the mutual idea of a retreat;
when the troops made a final effort to drive out a body
of the enemy posted at one of the gates of the city,
who interrupted the communication with the rampart
where the Irish were stationed, and to keep fhe gate clear
ci tiring the night, so that they might ^iave an opportu-
nity of receiving assistance that way. The Irish so well
seconded their attack at the rampart, that the. upper part
of the gate wras broken down 4 The enemy preserved the
lower part standing. A pause of considerable length
succeeded this contest. Meanwhile Revel was on the
point of withdrawing the troops quietly into the cita-
del, when Mahoni proposed to him to send some one to
see how matters stood, and offered to go himself in quest
of intelligence. It was already dark : the scouts took
advantage of this circumstance, perceived that all was
quiet, and that the enemy had retired. D'Entragues to
whose valor the French owed the preservation of Cre-
mona, did not survive this glorious day. The Spanish

266 NOTES.

governor was killed, with half of our troops. The Im-
perialists lost a great number, and were foiled in an at-
tempt, which if successful, would, at one blow, have
terminated the war in Italy in their favor.

In the attempt on Cremona, says the Ilistoire du
Prince Eugene, the loss of His Highness was about one
thousand two hundred men, killed or wounded : that of
the enemy was not inferior; but they lost a much greater
number of prisoners.

(35) Page 71. Jf Creqni had cut me off from the rest
cj my army — The temerity of the attempt to surprise
Cremona can only be excused by the confidence of the
author of that plan in the measures adopted to ensure
success. This temerity will appear still more evident,
when it is known that the Marquis do Crequi was posted
only twelve miles from the city, with a corps of twenty-
thousand men, with whom he could therefore come up in
a very short time to the assistance of the garrison.
During the conflict in the city, he was reported to be on
hi* march, and this was probably the most powerful
motive with Prince Eugene to evacuate the place. Cre-
qui was actually advancing, and when he was within three
miles of Cremona, he took it into his head to send out a
person to obtain intelligence of what was passing in tho
city. This person was a captain of cavalry, who hearing
the firing, and having no desire to receive a taste of it,
returned and told Crequi that the city was taken, that
the whole garrison were prisoners of war; that nothing
could then be done, as the information was perfectly
correct, because he had it from an officer with whom ho
pretended to have spoken. On this the credulous Cre-
qui returned to his quarters, and left the imperialists at
full liberty to regain theirs. Crequi fell soou afterwards
in the battle of Luzzara.

(36) Page 72: The able Sfc. Vend6me~ -Louis Joseph
lie Vendome, Count de Dreyx, Duke de Mercoeur,
«Ie Vendome, and d'Estampes, was great grand. son to
Heury IV. of France, by Gabrielle (PEtrees, and cousin
to Prince Eugene, by the side of his mother Laura
Mancini, the eldest of the nieces of Cardinal Mazarine.
He was bom in 1654, and at the period of his appoint-
ment to the chief command in Italy was considered

NOTES. 26?

the ablest general in the French army. His manners and
propensities, which have been described by some writers,
and St. Simon in particular, as the most brutal, disgust-
ing, and detestable, are characterized by others as
worthy of the early ages of Greece and Rome. " An
enemy -to pomp and luxury,'" says the author of the
Mistoire du Prince Eugene, " he never wore any but
plain clothes ; his equipages were extremely simple; he
ate indiscriminately out of pewter or silver. His con-
tempt for riches was truly surprising. If his steward
thought fit to give him money, he made a present of it to
the first comer, without distinction of rich or poor. He
suffered his servants to plunder him without taking any
notice; and one of them, who prided himself on his
honesty, having demanded his discharge, because he could
not bear to see the others rob him, the prince replied: —
" If that is all, go and rob too, and let me alone !" —
Vendome, as will be seen in the course of these memoirs,
commanded the French army in Flanders, and experienced
a defeat at Oudenarde in 1708. Being afterwards sent to
Spain, he proved more successful in that country ; he
reinstated Philip V. who had been driven from Madrid,
and took prisoner Earl Stanhope with five thousand
English troops. He died at Tignaros, in 1712, nearly
in the same deserted, forlorn, and miserable condition as
the second Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, so admirably
described b\ Pope in his Epistle on the Use of Riches.

(37) Page 76. Which renders the victory certain —
The loss of both parties in this obstinate engagement
was nearly equal, at least in slain. That of the imperia-
lists was about two thousand; and this canuot be
thought very great, when it is considered that they were
repulsed in four successive attacks.

(38) Page 76. A high idea of his prudence — The
Duke de St. Simon speaks in very different terms of the
King of Spain's behavior on this occasion. "The king,"
says he, u behaved every where in the hottest fire with
the greatest composure. He surveyed the reciprocal
attacks that took place about him on this narrow and
broken ground, where the infantry could scarcely act,
and the cavalry behiud it was unable to stir. He

S6S NOTES.

frequently smiled at the fear which he thought he per-
ceived in persons of his retinue; and what is extraordi-
nary, with such tried valor, he had no curiosity to go
and see what was passing in other places. At length
Louviile proposed to him to retire a Utile lower under
some trees, where he would not be so conspicuous, but
in reality because he would there be more sheltered from
the fire. He went and remained there with the same
composure. The two hostile generals did wonders; they
were fired with emulation, and the presence of the King
of Spain was a spur to Prince Eugene, which, with the
recollection of the battle of Pavia, caused him to perform
prodigies."

1704.

(39) Page 81. The victory gained by him at Spire —
Over the Prince of Hesse on the 16th INovember, 1703;
■which led to the fall of Landau.

(40) Page 82. The pillage zchich I had suffered
Marlborough to commit — In the Histoire du Prince
Eugene, a dreadful picture is given of these ravages. — *
Great numbers of the inhabitants were obliged to seek
refuge in the wood*, half naked, without effects or pro-
visions, being unable to rescue any thing from the rapa-
city of the soldiers; mos.t of them perished of hunger,
hardship, and want. The country was one general
theatre of murders, carnage, excesses, and conflagration.
The elector feeling for the distresses of his subjects, wrote
to the Duke of Marlborough, that executions of this
kind might be expected of Turkish barbarity, but were
unheard of among civilized rations. His grace replied
that they were not without parallel among nations pre-
tending to be the most polished of any, and that the elector
might put an end to them if he pleased by agreeing to
an accommodation. His electoral highness, however,
who valued himself as much on constancy in his resolu-
tions, as on intrepidity in battle, replied once for all,
li that since the wine was tapped it must be drunk to the
very dregs." *

(41) Page S3. Whisk they never acknowledge—

NOTES. 269

So far were they from acknowledging this signal defeat,
and such was the mortification of Louis XIV. on ac-
count of it, that he forbade the affair to be mentioned in
his dominions on pain of death. This, however, did not
prevent its being the subject of much conversation ;
some exaggerating the loss that had been sustained, while
by others, no better informed, it was greatly underrated.
In the Memoirs of the Duke de St. Simon, we find not a
syllable respecting either this engagement, or indeed the
whole campaign of 1704.

(4<2) Page 84. Ordered him to be Jired upon — This
was one of those stratagems which the fertile mind oL
Prince Eugene was perpetually suggesting, and deserves
more particular notice Having learned by his spies that
troops might be introduced into Brisach in the disguise of
labourers, twelve hundred being then employed upon the
new fortifications, he conceived the design of surprising the
place. He was informed that the valet of the governor of
Fribourg had permission from the commandant to visit
Old Brisach, for the purpose of purchasing French wines
and other articles. Eugene sent for the governor of
Fribourg, with whom he concerted a plan for surprising
first Old Brisach, and then New. It was agreed that on
the day w hen the garrison was to receive its usual con-
tributions of hay, fifty waggons should be loaded with
it, and men and arms concealed in the middle ; that these
waggons should be preceded by two hundred of the most
resolute officers disguised as carters and peasants. When
half these waggons had entered, and the other half were
on the draw-bridge, a corps of cavalry was to slip past
them into the place, and push on at full speed to seize the
cannon and to invest the garrison. Besides the persons
already mentioned, four thousand infantry and one
hundred horse were designed for the execution of this
plan, which was fixed for the morning of the 10th of
November. It was day -light when the waggons reached
the gate; but there was so thick a fog that they were
not perceived from the ramparts. The waggons were
examined and sounded with a sword, but nothing being
discovered, they were allowed to enter. The pretended
carmen, however, being too eager to get in along with

270 NOTES.

them, the sentinel shut the barrier, on which one of the
officers having a hatchet in his hand, ?tnuk him with it
upon the head and killed him. Another officer in dis-
guise cut the chain of the half moon, and supported by
a few others made himself master of it. While this was
passing an overseer of the works, whose duty it was to
count and examine the workmen, happening to be near
the approach to the gate, perceived thirty or forty men,
who, notwithstanding their dress, had not the look of
peasants. His suspicion being excited, he went up to
question one of them. It was the lieutenant- colonel of
the regiment of Dareuth to whom he spoke. lie asked
who he was, whence he came, and what was the, m< aning
of so many fresh faces, which he had never yet seen at
the works. The officer was somewhat disconcerted; the
overseer continued his questions, and obtaining no an-
swer, began to beat him soundly with his cane. The
lieutenant-colonel had not patience to endure this, and
"Without reflecting whether his revenge might not defeat
the object of the enterprise, lie leaped into one of the
Waggons, drew a musket out of the hay, and fired at the
overseer, but missed him. The latter, surprised at this
adventure, threw himself into the covered way, and af-
terwards jumped into the ditch, where he hid himself
behind some reeds, but not till he had been exposed to
the fire of some of the other officers, who had also armed
themselves. The governor, on hearing the firing, hasten-
ed to the gate, the guard of which Hew to arms and re-
ceived orders to raise the bridge, but it was too fate,.
He then directed the horses in the waggon that was
upon the bridge to be killed. This was instantly done,
and the way being thus almost entirely stopped, the im-
perial officers were obliged to follow one by one. The
first six were put to the sword. Not daunted by this,
for they were all resolute men, they mode fresh efforts to
force a passage, but were dispatched as soon as they came
up. While this was passing at the gate, the German of-
ficer who had gained possession of -the half. moon, had
received a considerable reinforcement. About two hun-
dred of their number were sent towards two bastions,
which, however, were so well manned, and kept up such

NOTES. 271

a galling fire upon the imperialists, that they were at
length obliged to abandon the half moon and covered
way; having lost in the attempt upwards of two hun-
dred men, among whom were several officers of dis-
tinction.

1703.

(43) Page 85. Had been reduced to the brink of
ruin — Louis XIV. having as early as 1703 discovered
the intrigues of this artful prince, resolved to revenge
himself upon his troops, as he could not upon him.
They consisted of three thousand infantry and one
thousand five hundred cavalry, who were then in the
French army. These he ordered Vendome to disarm and
to make prisoners of war. He was obeyed. The
duke loudly complained of this affront, dispatched
couriers to Vienna, Holland, and England, with appli-
cations for assistance, directed all the French in his do-
minions to be apprehended by way of reprisals, and at
length declared war against Louis. The latter, exaspe-
rated at having been so often duped by a prince so in-
ferior to himself in every respect, wrote him the follow-
ing extraordinary letter : —

Sn,

Since religion, honour, interest, alliance, and
your own signature, are nothing between us, I send my
cousin, the Duke de Vendome, at the head of my armies,
to explain my intentions to you. He will give you but
twenty-four hours to make up your mind.

Louis.

To this epistle the duke deigned not to reply in writ-
ing. He merely told the officer who brought it that his
resolution was taken, that threats had no effect upon
him, that he had no other answer to give, and would
listen to no other propositions. The consequence was
that in a short time the French reduced the whole of his
dominions excepting Turin.

(44) Page 86. There it was that I heard of the

BW NOTES.

death of the emperor — Leopold I. born in 1640. iU
was the second son of Ferdinand III. whom he succeed-
ed as emperor of Germany in 1658. He left two sons,
Joseph and Charles, both of whom successively filled the
imperial throne. That he was a prince of more bigotry
and pride than talents is evident, from many particulars
recorded in this work. His consort, the daughter of
the Prince Palatine of the Rhine, appears to have been
a highly accomplished woman. Villars, in a letter to
Louis XIV. written during his embassy at Vienna,
speaks of her in the following terms: — u The empress
makes the education of her four daughters one of her
principal duties. The eldest is perfect mistress of
French, Spanish, Latin, and Italian, and her mind is more
deeply imbued with science than is necessary for a
woman. The others also have made a progress in the
same studies according to their age, and people tell won-
derful things of their sweet and excellent dispositions."

(45) Page 92. Had thrown a great number of car-
riages into the canal — Historians differ respecting the
loss of the contending parties in this action; the Ger-
man writers making that of the French amount to six
thousand killed, and their own to two thousand; while
the French exactly reverse the statement. From the
nature of the engagement, however, it may be confident-
ly asserted that the French suffered considerably more
than the imperialists, though the latter lost seven pieces
of cannon, and several standards and colours.

1706.

(46) Page 94. For this superb expedition — Ven-
ddme took with him eighteen thousand foot and five
thousand cavalry, while the force of the imperialists,
whom he went to attack, amounted to no more than nine
thousand infantry and three thousand horse. He had
likewise the advantage of artillery, of which his ene-
mies were destitute. With this superiority it is the less
surprising that he should rout them, with the loss of
three thousand men killed and wounded3 a great iium-

NOTES. T(3

her of prisoners, a considerable part of their baggage,
twenty-five pair of colors, and twelve standards.

(47) Page 95. La Feuillade— The Duke de la Feu.
illade, whose only merit as a man and a general con-
sisted in his being the son-in-law of Chamillard, at that
time prime minister, whose second daughter he had
married.. St. Simon characterizes him in these strong
terms: — " He had a heart completely corrupt, a soul of
mud, and he was impious by fashion and profession ; in
a word, he was the most thoroughly depraved character
that has been seen for a long time." The consequences
resulting from the appointment of such a man to so
important a command were only such as might naturally
have been expected.

(48) Page 95. The Duke of Orleans — The nephew
of Louis XI V. and after his death regent of France.
''According to the testimonies of all cotemporary
historians," says Meincrs in his History of the Female
Sex, u scarcely any mortal ever united in so high a
degree as the Duke of Orleans the happiest talents for
all the fine and useful arts and sciences, with such an
unaccountable aversion to every thing commendable
and virtuous; such soundness, promptitude, andacute-
ness of understanding, with such inanity and indolence
of mind; such exalted virtues, among which personal
valor and universal placability -were particularly dis-
tinguished, with such a propensity to the most degrading
vices ; such talents for governing others, with such a
disposition to suiter himself to be enslaved by the vilest of
wretches ; in a word, so many rare qualifications, both of
the heart and mind, with such a total inability to make
a good use of them. On this account all the historians
of the time mention a fable in which the mother of the
regent admirably delineated the character of her son.
'There was a princess,' says this fable, 'who was
delivered of a fine boy. The illustrious mother, accord-
ing to ancient custom, invited to the birth of her son
all the farics of heayen, except one, who was forgotten.
The festival was held with great pomp. Each of the
fairies made the new-born prince a valuable present.
One gave him yalor, another clemency, a third wit, a

s

274 NOTES.

fourth understanding, a fifth beauty, a sixth strength
and vivacity, and others liberality and a love of the
arts and sciences. After each had presented her gift,
the fairy who had been forgotten arrived, full of secret
vexation at the neglect she had experienced. She re-
solved, after the example of her companions, to make
the prince a present, which might at the first view ap-
pear advantageous, but which should in reality prove
prejudicial. — She gave him good-nature, without de-
termining the degree ; and this good-nature was so
great as to rcuder all the other gifts which the prince
had received totally useless." A more complete expo-
sition of the character of this prince, with details of his
scandalous excesses, may be found in the work from
which this extract is made. The duke's mother was a
German princess of the House of the Palatinate; and he
married Mademoiselle de Blois, a natural daughter of
Louis XIV. by Madame de Montespan. It is re-
markable that his son was as much distinguished for
piety as his father had been for irreligion.

(49) Page 101. This teas the 7th of September —
Considering the disproportion of force, the event of that
day was perhaps more disgraceful to the French arms
than any defeat which they ever sustained. The loss of
men was not great, amounting on either side to about
eighteen hundred. The French left one hundred and
ten pieces of large cannon, about fifty field-pieces, fifty
mortars, eighty-six thousand barrels of powder, besides
other ammunition; ten thousand horses, five thousand
mules, two thousand oxen, and al! their baggage, com-
prehending plate, jewels, and other articles of great
value, in the hands of the conquerors. St Simon gives
a highly interesting account of this affair, too long,
however, to be introduced here, in which he charges
some of the French commanders with treachery, as well
as incapacity. La Beaumelle mentions a report that La
Feuillade had conceived a passion for the Duchess of
Burgundy, daughter of the Duke of Savoy,, and that,
not daring to express his sentiments in any other manner,
he endeavored to make her acquainted with them by
saving her father's capital, It is certain that in France

NOTES. 2? J

these disasters were very generally ascribed to the in*
trigues or treachery of that princess, but probably with*
out the slightest foundation.

(50) Page 101. Mar sin, who fell in this engage*
ment — Marsin was not actually killed in the field : being
wounded and taken prisoner, he was conveyed by order
of Prince Eugene into a house, where, lying upon some
straw, he was engaged in dictating letters to his court,
when some gunpowder in a neighboring room taking fire,
he was smothered before any assistance could be given.
The Abbe de St. Pierre speaks of Marsin as a warm^
generous man, of inferior abilities as a general, and de-
ranged in his affairs. St. Simon describes him as lively,
ambitious, endless in compliments, a great talker, re-
ligious, and not deficient either in understanding or ad-
dress. He succeeded the Duke d'Harcourt as ambassa-
dor to the Court of Spain, and with a truly rare concern
for the interests of his master in preference to his own,
he refused the dignity and emoluments of a grandee of
Spain, offered him by Philip V.

(51) Page 101. Bonneval— Claude Alexandre Count
de Bonneval, was descended from a good family, and
married the daughter of Marshal de Biron. He quitted
the French service in disgust, in consequence of amis-
understanding respecting shoes furnished by his order,
for the French soldiers, in a hospital which he had es-
tablished, and entered into that of the emperor. lie
continued in the imperial service twenty years; when,
according to his own account, he was dismissed from all
his employments for declaring that the persons who had
accused the Queen of Spain, a French princess, of infi-
delity to her husband, were scoundrels if they were men,
and wh — s if they were women. After a year's confine-
ment in the Castle of Brunn, in Moravia, he went to
Turkey, entered into the service of the grand signior,
and embraced the Mahometan religion. The emperor
gave him a government and a military command, with
the rank of tashaw. He obtained an important victory
over the imperial army on the Banks of the Danube; but
afterwards, falling into disgrace, was banished to the
Island of Chios, whence he was. however, recalled, and

s 2

276 NOTES.

appointed master-general of the ordnance. He died in that
situation, in 1747, and left memoirs of his life written by
himself. In the latter part of his life he was known by
the name of Osman Bashaw.

(52) Page 101. Langallcrie — The Marquis de Lan-
gallerie, whose name is frequently mentioned in these
memoirs, with deserved commendation as a military
officer, was allowed by all who knew him to be one of
the bravest and best generals of the age in which he lived.
His brilliant qualities were, however, eclipsed by many
failings. He gave remarkable proofs of levity and fickle-
ness. He was in fact a kind of mad. man, utterly desti-
tute of prudence or conduct in the ordinary intercourse
with the world. He quarrelled with the French ministry,
and without waiting the effect of the measures taken by
his friends to get him out of the scrape, he entered at the.
beginning of 1706 into the imperial service. He was re-
ceived as a man from whom important services might be
expected ; and acquainted only with his military talents,
but not with his defects, the imperial court endeavored to
make him amends for what be had abandoned. At the be-
ginning of 1707 he went to Vienna, and there he soon
shewed what he really was. Having imprudently em-
broiled himself with a person of the highest rank (with
Prince Eugene, according to his memoirs, which however
are said to be spurious), he was obliged to seek his
fortune elsewhere. Not knowing what to do with him-
self, he went to Prussia ; but since it had been discovered
that he possessed nothing but valor without common
sense, very little notice was taken of hint. The King of
Poland, who was then at Berlin, feeling for his situation,
made him a present of a thousand ducats, and appointed
him general of the foreign troops in his service. A few
months afterwards the marquis became religious, and then
a fanatic. He went to Frankfurt on the Oder, where he
renounced the Roman Catholic religion in the Protestant
ehurch of the French refugees. To justify this proceed-
ing, he wrote a work, which he defied the whole Sorbonne
to answer. He then repaired to Poland, where he
did not long remain. At length, after wandering about
a considerable time, he went to Holland, where he formed

NOTES. 277

an acquaintance with a French adventurer, styling him.
self the Marquis de I/inange, who pretended to be a
prince of the empire, in quality of Landgrave of Lei-
ningen; though he was in reality a private gentleman of
Perigord, of the name of Beaugelie, who had just been
released from the Bastille. These two adventurers
formed the most extravagant plans. They engaged with
a Turkish aga, who then happened to be at the Hague^
to raise .a certain number of christian troops for the
service of the Porte, at that time at war with the Vene-
tians, and to convey them to Turkey in Dutch vessels.
The consequence was that both were apprehended by
order of the emperor and carried to Vienna, where they
died in confinement. Langallerie, at the time of his death
in 1717, was in 'his 67th year.

(53) Page 102. Italy is our's, cousin — So panic-
struck were the French on this occasion, that the very
officers, on recovering themselves, could not imagine how
it was possible for them to fly so shamefully as they had
done before so inferior a force. One of them in writing
to a friend expressed his surprise at this circumstance, in
the following terms : — " I am sorry to inform you that
I no longer know our soldiers. So exceedingly are they
altered since the battles of Seneff, Montcassel, and Lan-
den, that I should scarcely imagine our army to be
composed of the troops of the same nation. I shall
not describe the disorder in which they fought at
the battle of Turin, and the confusion that prevailed
among us when we turned our backs oo an army, which,
even after the engagement, was greutiy inferior to out's.
I shall draw a veil over this disagreeable scene, hut I
cannot help telling you that our troops scarcely think
themselves safe here, though separated from the enemy
hy the AIps.*?

(54) Page 10% 1 think Louis XIV, mil not order
Te Deum to be sung at Paris- — The defeat of the French
army before Turin produced an extraordinary sensation
throughout all Europe. Two singular instances of its
effect on the people of England are given in the History
of Prince Eugene, referred to in several of the preceding
notes. " An old maiden lady was so transported with

218 NOTES.

admiration of Prince Eugene, on hearing of the battle of
Turin, that she made her will and appointed him her sole
heir. A gardener, instigated by the same motive, bequeath*
ed to that hero the sum of one hundred pounds sterling.'*
(55J Page 102. The Prince of Hesse— Frederic,
Landgrave of Hesse, son of Charles, Landgrave of Hesse
Cassel, and Mary Amelia, daughter of James Duke of
Courland, was born in 1679. In consequence of his
marriage with Ulrica Eleonora, sister of Charles XII. he
on the decease of that monarch ascended the throne of
Sweden, and died in 1751.

1707.

(56) Page 104. Two cursed cardinals over-ruled the
Duke of Savoy'' s opinion and mine — The representations
of these cardinals had such weight with the emperor that
positive orders were sent to Prince Eugene to dispatch
ten thousand of his best troops to Naples, under the
command of Count Dhaun. This expedition was indeed
attended with com pleat success, and the total expulsion
of the French from Naples, but retarded for several
weeks the meditated invasion of the southern provinces
of France, and thus gave the enemy time to prepare for
defence.

(57) Page 104. We crossed the Var, marched to
Frejus — The following anecdote of a person who after-
wards acted a distinguished part in France is related by
St. Simon, on occasion of the visit of the Duke of Savoy
to Frejus. u The bishop," says he, " who now governs
ns with such absolute authority by the name of Cardinal
Fleui-y, received him at the episcopal residence, which
indeed he could not help doing. The duke loaded him
with honors and caresses, and so completely intoxicated
him with his civilities, that the poor man, formed alike to
deceive and to be deceived, put on his pontifical habit,
presented holy water and incense to the duke at the door
of the cathedral, and chanted 1 e Deum for the occupation
of Frejus. He enjoyed for some days the false caresses
of the prince's gratitude for an action so contrary to his
duty and his path. So violent was the king's anger on this

NOTES. 279

occasion, that Torcy, the intimate friend of the prelate,
had the greatest difficulty in the world to prevent its
explosion."

(58) Page 108. The inhabitants of Provence, whom
he hnd severely Jteececl — In the Memoirs of the Marquis
c!e Langallerie, which however arc asserted not to be
genuine, we have a totally different statement. It is there
said, that the Duke of Savoy placed his officers in the
wings of his army in such a manner, that it was impossi-
ble for the troops to straggle for the purpose of plunder-
ing and burning houses or villages on their march. u The
French army," continues the same work, <; followed us
so closely that it always halted at the entrance of a village,
while we did the same at the other end. In this manner
it accompanied us to the banks of the Var, which we pass-
ed almost in its sight without the least danger. The
French army would indeed have been taken for the escort
of that of Piedmont. Never was such a way of carrying on
war witnessed before."

1708.

(59) Page 109. Beware lest another Louvois lay
waste the empire izith fire and sword — This alludes to
the devastations committed by order of that minister in
the first years of the war, which commenced in 16S8.
To, render this war more vigorous and durable, says St.~
Simon, he caused Worms and Spire, and the whole Palati-
nate, to belaid waste with fire and sword, to the gates of
Mentz. — Madame de Maintenon, whose enmity to
Louvois is well known, availed herself of these proceed-
ings to inflame the king against the minister. The latter,
not content with the dreadful execution which he had
already occasioned, would have burned Treves also, and
proposed the measure to the king as still more necessary
than what had been done at Worms and Spire, as the
former might be converted by the enemy into a military
position much more dangerous to France. This cir-
cumstance gave rise to a curious scene between Louis
and his minister. A few days afterwards, Louvois,
going as usual to transact business with the king, in

280

NOTES.

Madame de Maintenon's apartment, told him when busi-
ness was over, that finding religious scruples were the only-
reason that had prevented his consent to a measure so ne- .
cessaryfor his interest, as the burning of Treves, he thought
he should render his majesty an essential service by reliev-
ing him from them, and taking the matter upon himself;
wherefore, without saying any thing to him, he had sent
off a courier with orders that Treves should be set on fire
immediately on his arrival. The king, contrary to his
natural temper, was instantly so transported with rage,
that snatching the tongs from the fire-place, he was
going to attack Louvois with them, when Madame de
Maintenon ran between them, exclaiming: u Ah 1 Sire,
what are you doing ?" and took the tongs out of his
hand. Louvois in the mean time ran out of the room.
The king called him back. u Send off," said he, while
his eyes sparkled with indignation, li a courier this mo-
ment, with counter-orders; let him arrive in time, and
depend upon it you shall lose your head if a single house
is burned." Louvois immediately retired more dead than
alive, not to issue counter-orders, for he had taken good
care not to send off the first courier, thongh he was
waiting ready booted with the dispatches commanding
the destruction of the city, till the return of Louvois
from the king. Louis never knew any other but that
this messenger had set out, and that the second had ar-
• rived in time to prevent the execution of the order.

(60) Page 116. Vendome collected the relics of the
army, and took charge of the rear — In this engagement
the allies had about two thousand killed, and three
thousand wounded. Of the French four thousand were
killed, upwards of two thousand wounded, and seven
thousand taken prisoners, as stated in the text. They
lost forty nine pair of colors, but no cannon, having
only four light pieces in the action.

(61) Page 119. The brave and skilful Boufflers —
Louis Francois, Duke de Boufflers, the son of Count
Eoufilers,was born in 1644, entered early into the army,
and served under Marshal Crequi in the conquest of
Lorraine. In the war with Holland he served under the
celebrated Turenne, and in 1675, when that general was
tilled, he commanded the rear-guard during the retreat of

NOTES. 2&1

the French army. After various services in Flanders,
Germany, and on the frontiers of Spain, he was, in 1690,
appointed general of the army of the Moselle. The follow-
ing year he acted as lieutenant-general under the king in
person. At the siege of Namur he was entrusted with the
command of the covering army against King William III.
and for his services was in 1693 raised to the rank of
marshal of France. In 1694 he was appointed governor
of French Flanders, and the following year, throwing
himself by a skilful manoeuvre into Namur, he held out
sixty three days against the allied army. Contrary to
the terms of the capitulation, Boufflers was detained a
prisoner of war. The marshal enquiring the reason of
this, was informed that it was by way of reprisal on ac-
count of the French having kept the garrison of Dix-
mude. u Then," said he, " mine ought to be detained
rather than myself." He received this compliment in re-
ply: " You, sir, are of more value than ten thousand
men." In the conferences which terminated in the peace
of Ryswick, he had a principal share. To his conduct
in the following war, Prince Eugene has done ample
justice; but it should also be observed that the magna-
nimity of Boufflers was equal to his military talents ; for
when a partisan represented to him that it would not be
difficult to kill Eugene, the marshal told him he might ex-
pect a great reward for taking the prince, but the severest
punishment if any thing were attempted against his life.
His conduct at the battle of Malplaquet, when though a
senior officer, he served agreeably to his own offer under
Villars, is described in its proper place. He died at
Fontainebleau in 1711, leaving the character of a true
patriot as well as of a great commander. It was well
observed of him by Madame de Maintenon, that his heart
was the last part that died. His conduct was unin-
fluenced by private interest, and superior to court in-
trigue. St. Simon, whose praise is bestowed with a very
sparing hand, pays a just tribute to the merits of
Boufflers.

(62) Page 120. Marlborough sent me word that
Berzcick — The Duke of Berwick was a natural son of
James II. of England, by Mrs. Arabella Churchill, sister

282

NOTES.

to the great Duke of Marlborough. At the revolution
he followed the fortunes of his father, whom he accom-
panied to France, where he was recommended to the
court by his superior merit. He was created marshal of
France, Duke and Peer of France, grandee of Spain,
and commander-in-chief of the French armies; in all
which stations his behavior was such that few equalled and
none perhaps ever excelled him. He lived in an age when
many of the greatest men commanded against him. His
courage "was of the cool, steady kind, always possessing
himself; taking all advantages ; not foolishly, rashly, or
wantonly throwing away the lives of his soldiers. On
all occasions he kept up the strictest discipline; and
when he had become a naturalized Frenchman, he never
suffered the private interest of the Stuart family to inter-
fere with his duty to the sovereign whom he served.
Without being a bigot, he was a moral and religious man,
a character which he proved to be not incompatible with
the life of a statesman and a great general. Berwick pos-
sessed none of that suppleness which is considered so
essential a requisite in a courtier. For this reason the
Queen of Spain, during his command in that country,
observed : " He is a great surly devil of an Englishman,
who always goes straight forward.*' Finding him less
flexible than she wished, she procured his recall, but was
near paying for her dislike with the loss of her crown. He
was killed by a cannon ball at the siege of Philipsburg,
in 1738.

(63) Page 120. The Icing sent his booby Chamillard —
Chamillard was brought up to the profession of the law;
and though various circumstances related of him by St.
Simon a.id others are highly creditable to his principles
and his heart, yet it is on all hands agreed that he was a
man of no abilities. His dexterity at billiards introduced
him to the notice of Louis XIV. in whose favor, as well
as in Madame de Main tenon's, he contrived to establish
himself so firmly that the king at length invested him
with the highest offices. In 1699, when Pontehartrain
became chancellor, he succeeded him in thedepartment of
the finances, and on the death of Pomponne, in 1700,
was appointed minister of state. On the death of Bar-

NOTES. 28

r\

besieax in the following year, Chamillard became secre-
tary of state for the war department, in conjunction with
the finances. The duties of these situations, especially
during a period remarkably disastrous for France, might
be considered too arduous for any one man however
eminent his genius and talents; it cannot therefore ap-
pear surprising if Chamillard foundhimself inadequate to
the task ; his health declined under the consequent
fatigues and anxieties, and in 1709, he begged leave to
resign his offices, which Louis XIV. at length granted,
but with great reluctance. He died in 1721.

(64) Page 123. The Chevalier de Luxembourg in-
troduced am?nunition9 of ZL'hich the besieged zcere in great
leant — This officer, son of the celebrated marshal of that
name, and himself afterwards raised to the same rauk,
was not inferior to his father in boldness, valor, and
prudence, as will in some degree appear from a more
circumstantial account of the enterprise alluded to by
the author. Marshal Boufflers haviug found means to
inform him that he was in want of powder, the chevalier
resolved to carry him a supply. He chose from the differ-
ent regiments of cavalry two thousand five hundred men,
will mounted, and of whose bravery and resolution he
\f as well assured. They consisted of carbineers, dragoons,
and troopers. The latter had each a bag of powder
of sixty pounds wrcight behind him, while each of the
dragoons and carbineers carried three muskets and a
quantity of flints. This force was to be folowed by
a body of unencumbered troops and another of grena-
diers. When every thing was ready for the expedi-
tion, the chevalier sent out detachments in various
directions, as if to oppose the enemy's parties that
infested the Frertch provinces contiguous to "the Low
Countries; but in reality to divert the attention of the
besiegers from his design. He then apprized Bouf-
flers that he would enter by a certain gate, and set-
ting out one very dark night at the head of his corps,
he reached the barrier of the camp of the besiegers;
He had with him an officer who spoke the Dutch
language fluently. When the advanced sentry cried
in Dutch: " Who's there?" This officer, who knew

284 NOTES.

most of the regiments in Marlborough's army, replied
that they came from that army, having been detached
by his grace. They were permitted to advance to the
barrier, where the captain of the guard questioned
them very minutely; but the French officer having
very patiently answered all his enquiries, they were suf-
fered to pass. As soon as they had gained a free
passage through the barrier, they began to defile with
all possible dispatch. Half had already passed, when
one of the officers, seeing that his men were rather
too far asunder, imprudently cried in French : u Closer!
closer!" The captain of the guard partly suspectiHg the
truth, ordered those who had not yet passed to stop,
but as they paid no attention to this, he ordered them
to be fired upon. This produced an explosion of some
of the bags of powder, by which more than sixty of the
troopers were killed with their horses. Alarmed by this
noise Witgenstein's dragoons, whose quarters were near
the spot, seized their arms and ran out in their shirts.
The hereditary Prince of Hesse likewise repaired thither,
and ordered all the cavalry under his command to take
horse. Meanwhile those of the French, who had passed
the barrier, had time to get into the town; and the
others took the road to Douai. Both were pursued, but
sustained little injury.

(65) Page 123. Every body is acquainted with the
stupidity of Lamotte — The Count dc Lamotte set out
from Bruges to intercept the English convoy with a force
twice as strong as that by which it was escorted. It is
asserted that he might have taken it without fighting;
but he thought fit to attack the escort, which was so
advantageously posted in a wood to cover the march,
and behaved with such gallantry, that the assailants were
repulsed and completely routed with the loss of three
thousand killed, and a considerable number wounded and
prisoners. St. Simon states that the Duke of Berwick
was solicited by some of the principal officers to take
upon himself the conduct of this enterprise, but that he
shewed them an express order from the court appointing
la Motte, "that is to say," he continues, u the most
short-sighted and the most obstinate perhaps of all tb.$
Fiench lieutenant-generals."

NOTES. 2S5

(66) Page 129. J went very soon to pay him a visit,
and in truth, to do homage to his merit — The conduct
of Boufflers, during this celebrated siege, is spoken of
by St. Simon, in the following terras : — " Accessible at
all times, attentive as much as possible to prevent others
incurring useless fatigue and dangers, he shunned no
hardships, was every where, examined and directed every-
thing personally, and was continually exposing himseSf.
He did not go to bed three times from the opening of the
trenches to the capitulation, merely lying down in his
clothes. It is difficult to conceive how a man at his age
could sustain such fatigue. He was reproached with ex-
posing his person, but he did so that he might see every
thing himself. Several times he was wounded ; but con-
cealed it as much as he could, and altered nothing on that
account in his daily conduct : but having once been
knocked down by a blow on the head, he was carried
home, and it was proposed to bleed him. This opera-
tion he refused to submit to, for fear it should wea-
ken him, and would have gone out again. His house was
surrounded by his soldiers, who declared that they would
quit their posts if they saw him again before the expira-
tion of twenty-four hours. Thus besieged, he was obliged
to consent to be let blood and to lie down; and never
was such joy expressed as when he appeared abroad again.
In regard to provisions, he fared the same as his troops ;
he not only expended the money which he carried with
him, but more which he borrowed, for the good of the
service, distributing it among the soldiers, and assisting
the officers with admirable simplicity."

(67) Page 131. While we are speaking, he is playing
very deep — Charles XII. was just at this time preparing
to march into Russia, on the rash expedition which ter-
minated very shortly in the unfortunate battle of Pul-
towa, where he lost in one day the fruits of all his
former conquests.

1709.

(68) Page 135: We determined upon the battle of
Malplaq'tet — " For many ages," says the Histoire di
Prince Eugene, " there had not been seen so many men

C

86 NOTES.

assembled for the purpose of mutual destruction ; their
number fell little short of three hundred thousand. Each
army had a numerous artillery ; the allies one hundred
and twenty pieces of cannon, and the enemy not fewer.
In valor, both sides were equal. The allies possessed the
advantage of confidence in two able chiefs, avid boldness
resulting from their late successes ; while the French, on
the other hand, were covered by hedges, ditches, and
excellent entrenchments. In short, every thing contri-
buted to produce a more dreadful carnage than was ever
beheld. In truth, neither the battle of Zenta, nor that
of Hochstedt, nor scarcely any other, exhibited a spec-
tacle so afflicting to humanity, as the prodigious quan-
tity of blood that was spilled in the plains of Mal-
plaquet."

(69) Page 137. Dangerously wounded below the
knee—- Villars remained lame ever afterwards, but for his
conduct on this occasion, when the French, as usual,
claimed the victory, Louis XIV. created him a duke and
peer of France. Boufflers, whose services were perhaps
not less conspicuous, was disappointed of any reward ;
but then Villars was a favorite of the all-powerful
Maintenon.

Villars, in his letter to the king after the engagement,
states the loss of the allies at four times that of the
French, without specifying any number. The author of
the history to which I have so often referred in these
notes, says, that of twenty accounts of this battle in his
possession, no two agree in this respect ; but that it is
certain the loss of the allies in killed exceeded that of
the French by at least one half. It is asserted, says he,
that they had twenty thousand men killed in the field,
among whom are reckoned eleven thousand Dutch, and
above six thousand wounded. The French, on their side,
admit eight thousand killed, and four thousand five hun-
dred wounded.

1710

(70) Page 141. Rendered them cautious and Villars
too — Villars, in his memoirs, asserts that he was desirous
of an engagement. " The king," he says, " without

NOTES. 287

absolutely forbidding me to fight, insinuated that he
should prefer entrenchments to a battle, apparently sa-
tisfied if I could save Arras and Cambrai. It was not
considered that a battle was more suitable to the genius
of the nation which impels the French to seek a pitched
battle with their enemies, rather than to entrench them-
selves and reduce the affair to an attack of posts. For
this reason, after the taking of Douai, I did not think fit
to surround myself with entrenchments, as well that 1
might not take from the enemy the inclination to meet
me, which he affected and I desired, though he was
stronger than we by thirty to forty thousand men ;
as to keep up the courage of our troops when they saw
that I did not hide myself. I merely strove to place
myself in such a manner as always to have time to throw
up a little earth before me, and was particularly careful
to take the best posts." I leave the reader to judge whe-
ther there does not appear to be some degree of contra-
diction between the former and the. latter part ef this
passage.

1711.

(71) Pa£e 143. Put an end to this tedious rebellion- —
This rebellion commenced in 1703* The leader of the
insurgents, Prince Francis Ragotzi, was the son of
George Ragotzi, and Helena Veronica, daughter of Count
Serini, who married for her second husband Count Eme~
rick Tekeli, and is so highly celebrated for the heroism
with which she defended the fortress of Montgatz against
the imperial troops. This prince laid claim to the sove-
reignty of Transylvania, of which his ancestors had been
Waywodes, til! his father, putting himself under the pro-
lection of the Emperor Ferdinand III. so exasperated
the Ottoman Porte, that the latter deposed, and drove
him with great case out of his dominions, the court of
Vienna having neglected to give him timely assistance.
The Turks then declared Michael Abaffi. Way w ode of
Transylvania. On his death, the emperor having weak-
ened the Turks in Hungary, conceived the design of se-
turing possession of that province. With this view,
he filled it with his troops ; and when the young

2SS NOTES,

Abaffi, son of the former, returned from the Rhine,
where he had been making a campaign, he ordered him to
be thrown into confinement, and partly by caresses,
partly by threats, he cajoled him into a formal renun-
ciation of his claims upon Transylvania. This, however,
did not make the inhabitants of that country more sub-
missive to the imperial yoke ; they elected Prince Francis
Ragotzi for their sovereign, and supported by Louis
XI V.he immediately prepared to assert his rights by arms.
Combining the interests of the whole oppressed Hunga-
rian nation with his own, his cause was espoused by
great numbers, and thus he was enabled to carry on a
protracted war with various success, against all the troops
which the emperor could spare from other quarters. At
length, in 1711, the Turks declared war against Russia,
and made the necessary preparations to prosecute it with
vigor. As it was their design to pass through Hungary,
to attack their enemies, Prince Eugene, and the other mem-
bers of the imperial council, were apprehensive lest they
should by the way afford assistance to the malcontents ;
and by the mediation of Mourdaunt, Earl of Peterbo-
rough, our ambassador at Vienna, an accommodation
was concluded between the emperor and Ragotzi.

(72) Page 144. It has long been the fashion to assert
that great personages die of poisc?i — It is not improbable,
that in this reflection the illustrious author may have had
in view the story propagated respecting his mother, and the
Queen of Spain, as well as the sudden events which, in
1712, threw the court of France into consternation and
mourning.

(73) Page 145. The consequences will be seen pre-
sently— Harley, afterwards created Earl of Oxford, aud
St. John, better known by the title of Lord Boling-
broke, were the leaders of the tory party, by which
Marlborough and the whigs were supplanted in the confi-
dence of the queen. The following anecdote relative to
this change in her Majesty's sentiments is extracted from
the French history of the prince already quoted. The
queen began to feel an extreme coldness for some of her
old ministers, because they no longer shewed the same
gratitude and respect for her as they had done at the

, ♦ NOTES. 289

beginning of her reign. She took into her friendship one
Mrs. Marsham, a zealous partisan of the tories. This
new favorite strove, with great address, to cure the queen
of her prepossession against that party. She demon-
strated to her, that they were the firmest supporters of
the majesty of kings, who but for them would be trod-
den under foot by the whigs ; and to convince her the
more fully of this, she proposed to the queen to go in-
cognito to the parliament-house, to collect the sentiments
of both respecting the royal prerogative, when Sacheve-
rel's affair should come under discussion. The queen, in
compliance with this advice, repaired in disguise to the
House of Commons, where, with her own ears, she heard
the proposals broached by the whigs to undermine the
royal authority, and witnessed the efforts made by the
tories to refute them, and to support the interests of the
sovereign. This aggravated the queen's indignation
against the whigs, and strengthened her rising partiality
for their opponents. The principal tories, proceeds the
same author, were intimate friends of Marshal Tallard,
and of course wholly devoted to France. They hasten-
ed to inform Louis XIV. of what was passing, and re-
quested him to send a confidential person to negociate
with the queen's ministers. M. Menager was selected
for this purpose, and he managed his master's affairs so
.well, that he succeeded in completely detaching Queen
Anne from the interests of the grand alliance.

(74) Page 146. Charles VI. ordered me to repair the
blunders of Gallas, if he had committed any, and to re-
gain the court of St. James's — Count Gallas, says the
historian quoted in the preceding note, could not for-
bear expressing his mortification at the conduct of minis-
ters, and from a zeal equally useless and imprudent,
speaking of the queen in terms by no means respectful.
He even went so far as to employ his utmost efforts to
form a cabal against one of the highest prerogatives of
the sovereign, the power of making peace and war
without consulting any body. The queen, informed of
his proceedings, ordered him to be forbidden fne court.

(75) Page 1 53. Assure their high mightinesses of
the truth of what I write you% of my dissatisfaction and

T

profound mortification— This disastrous business cost the
allied army ten thousand men, in killed, drowned, and
prisoners. The French, -who had only seven or eight
hundred killed, took above one hundred pieces of can-
non, three hundred thousand pounds of powder, and a
prodigious quantity of military and other stores.

(76) Page 1 53. / could not prevent Villars from talcing
Douay — During the siege, Villars made himself master of
the fort of la Scarpe, according to his own account, in
the following manner: The garrison, says he, beat a par-
Icy. I was in the trenches. The officers who came out
demanded four days' time to receive the orders of the
Prince of Savoy. u You can have no objection," an-
swered I, " to my calling a council to consider of your
proposal. " u By no means," was their reply. I called
the grenadiers. u It is you, gentlemen," said I, " that
I want to consult." " What !" exclaimed the officers,
44 a council of grenadiers !" u On such occasions I
never call any other." Then addressing the grenadiers, I
said : " My friends, these captains demand four days,
that they may have time to receive orders from their ge-
neral; what is your opinion? u Their answer was:
44 Let us go to work, and in a quarter of an hour we'll
do their business for them." 44 Gentlemen," said I,
" they will do as they say, so make up your mind."
The deliberation was not long ; they surrendered at dis.
cretion, and one thousand three hundred and fifty men,
four captains, and one colonel, marched out of the fort,
and were sent to Amiens.

(77) Page 157. Leaving Vaubonne to defend the
passage of the mountains — Vaubonne was a native of
Bedouin, a large village in the county of Avignon, of
low parentage. lie entered young into the service, and
carried the musket. The difficulty of obtaining promo-
ton in France induced him to accept a commission in
the imperial army, in which he rose to the highest rank,
and died with the character of a brave officer.

(78) Page 165. Cutting the throats of the Hugonots
ifi the Cevennes — An interesting account of these insur-
gents in Languedcc is given in the memoirs of Marshal
Villars, who" was sent to suppress them in 1704.

NOTES. 291

1715.

(79) Page 176. '77s easy to be modest when one is
successful — The loss of the Turks in this engagement was
never exactly ascertained. Their killed exceeded six
thousand, while the imperialists lost at least half that
number, and had near two thousand wounded. One
hundred and sixty-four pieces of cannon and mortars,
one hundred and fifty pair of colors, and rive horse-,
tails fell into the hands of the conquerors.

(80) Page 177. We took by assault the Palanka —
This was a work fortiiied and sarrounded with a ditch and
stone wall, in the Turkish fashion, and covering a
suburb of Temeswar, which contained more inhabitants
than all the rest of the town. The Turks defended this
place with the greatest obstinacy ; the action lasted four
hours, and cost the imperialists upwards of four hundred
killed, and one thousand three hundred wounded.

1717.

(81) Page 182. Marcilly was killed zvhzle bravely
defending himself in a post, which I had directed him to
entrench — Achille de Pawlet, Marquis de Marcilli, was
a Frenchman by birth, but of English extraction. An
affair of honor with a Mons. de Montgeorges occasion-
ed him to enter into the imperial service, in which he so
highly distinguished himself, that he was promoted to the
rank of lieutenant-general. After the battle of Peter-
waradin, he received a very flattering letter from the em-
peror, in consequence of the high compliments paid by
Prince Eugene to his valor and conduct.

(82) Page 185. d'Estrades, governor of the Prince
de Dombes — Godefroi Louis, Count d'Estrades, marechal-
de-camp in the French army, was descended from an il-
lustrious family, which produced many celebrated cha-
racters. He died in a few days, inconsequence of this
accident.

(83) Page 1 88. Either by land or water — In the en.
gagement which led to the surrender of Belgrade, ten
thousand of the Turks were slain in the field of battle*

t8

29& NOTES,

and three thousand in the pursuit ; five thousand were
wounded, and the same number taken prisoners. The
imperialists had two thousand killed on the spot, and
three thousand wounded. The booty taken in the Turk-
ish camp was very great, as was also the quantity of ar-
tillery which fell into the hands of the conquerors in the
battle and in the city, amounting to six hundred and
sixty-five pieces of cannon, and one hundred and four
mortars.

1718.

(84) Page 193: It was a cardinal, who ought to have
been an enemy of Mahomet, that saved his empire — This
was Cardinal Alberoni, who having raised himself from
the lowest station, to the elevated post of prime minister
of Spain, made that power respected, if not feared, by
the rest of Europe, His projects, which about this time
excited considerable apprehension in the countries against
which they were directed, were, to place Philip V. as the
oldest representative of the house of Bourbon, on the
throne of France ; to seat the Pretender on that of Eng-
land ; and to add Naples to the Spanish dominions. Na-
ples then belonged to the emperor, who thought fit to
conclude a peace with the Mahometans, in order to de-
fend himself against his Christian enemies.

The reader is referred to St. Simon's memoirs for a
humorous account of Alberoni's first introduction to the
Duke de Vendome, which laid the foundation of his fu-
ture greatness. His ambitious projects'* involved Spain
in a war with France, and the regent duke of Orleans
' made his disgrace one of the conditions of peace with
the Spanish monarch. He was accordingly banished from
the kingdom in 1720, and retired to Italy, where he died
at Rome in 1752, aged 87 years,

1719.

(85)> Page 194. He caused Jniessens, the father of the
eity, to be beheaded — The commencement of the disturb-
ances in the Low Countries was this. The emperor had

NOTES. 293

thought fit to appoint a new council at Brussels, for the
administration of the affairs of Brabant, and this council
directed a fresh oath to be administered to the different
companies of the city, in the person of the nine deans or
masters. The burgomaster accordingly summoned them
to the town-house, and read a letter which he said was
written by the emperor, directing the form of the oath to
be taken by them. The masters requested to see the letter,
but as the magistrate absolutely refused to shew it, they,
with one single exception, withdrew, declaring their reso-
lution to suffer death, rather than do any thing contrary
to their rights and privileges. The people, espousing the
cause of the masters, flocked to the town-house to
wreak their vengeance on the individual who had taken
the prescribed oath ; but being disappointed of their ob-
ject, they attacked and demolished the house of the bur-
gomaster. A detachment of the garrison was sent to
quell the rioters, but their numbers had increased to such
a degree, that the troops returned without attempting any-
thing.

A second disturbance broke out on occasion of a sub-
sidy demanded by the emperor, and which could not be
levied without the consent of the guilds. The masters,
however, declared that they would hear of no imposts
to be laid upon the people, till the council had annulled
all sentences and decrees against their companies, to the
prejudice of their ancient rights and privileges. This re-
quisition, deemed insolent,' and tending to undermine the
imperial authority, was rejected with contempt, and
gave rise to fresh riots, in which the houses of some ob-
noxious magistrates were demolished or burned. Though
the rioters were charged by the troops, and several of
them killed, the tumults continued; and as the country
people threatened to join the townsmen, the royal autho-
rity was obliged to yield and to comply with the demands
of the guilds.

On this, a considerable force was sent to the Low
Countries ; the garrison of Brussels was increased to ten
thousand' men, and the citizens were forbidden to take
arms under pain of death. An investigation into the late
disturbances was instituted, and proofs sufficient to con.

294 NOTES.

vict several of the masters of companies of disobedience
to the emperor were soon procured. They were brought
to trial, and found guilty. Sentence was passed, aud ex-
ecuted the same day, on fourteen of the ringleaders.
Among these was Anniessens, a venerable old man of
seventy. None ever shewed greater fortitude than he
did on this occasion. He heard his sentence read without
the least emotion, merely replied to all the charges that
he was innocent, and that he had never sought to disturb
the tranquillity of the city. When ordered to sign his
sentence, according to the custom of the country, he
bluntly refused, and replied with great composure, that
he never imagined the emperor had not forces sufficient
to put an end to a life so far advanced as his. When
upon the scaffold, he attempted to harangue the populace,
but the noise made by the soldiers who surrounded him
prevented his being heard. Not only did the people, as
the prince observes, dip their handkerchiefs in his blood,
but he was universally styled the Martyr of his coun.
try, and received a magnificent funeral at the public
expence.

(86) Page 194. Egmont and IJoorn — Two distin-
guished patriots of the Low Countries, who were un-
justly tried by command of the sanguinary Alva, and be-
headed at Brussels in 1568.

(S7) Page 195. The squabbles of Prie and Bonne,
vol — The following extract, from a memoir written by
Bonneval himself, for the purpose of being presented to
the king of Spain, will elucidate this passage. The Mar-
quis des Eaux, a young and handsome Flemish gentleman,
made love to Madame d'Apremont, daughter of the Mar-
quis de Prie, vice-governor of the Austrian Netherlands,
during the life-time of her husband. No sooner was she
a widow, than he was anxious to get away from her ; for
not a moment was lost by the Pries, to propose to him to
step into the place of the deceased; He at first declined
the honor in civil and general terms, but fearing some
violent measures, he obtained permission from the court
of Vienna, unknown to Prie!, to go to Spain. Before he
3ct off, he left a letter with the Count de Lannoy, for
'Madams d'Apremont, in which he promised to return as

NOTES. 295

soon as possible, and assured her, that he regretted the
necessity of this separation, but without the slightest al-
lusion to marriage. For some months he continued to
write to the widow, but then his letters ceased entirely.
He had been three years absent, when the Pries, exaspe-
rated against him, resolved to effect his destruction in
Spain, or hjs expulsion from that country, not doubting
that if they could get him into their clutches, they should
find means to oblige him to marry their daughter.

The slight disgrace which the consort of his Catholic
Majesty Don Louis had incurred by certain childish inad-
vertencies, afforded them an opportunity of traducing
her in the vilest, and at the same time the most imprudent
manner that could possibly be imagined. They loudly
proclaimed that the cause of this disgrace, the occasion
of which was kept secret, was an intrigue between that
princess and the Marquis des Eaux, and that the king,
her husband, being apprized of it, had ordered the Mar-
quis to be stabbed in the queen's chamber, and his body to
be thrown out of the window into the street. This story
they repeated to every body, and circulated with such in-
dustry, that it soon became current in every ale-house
and coffee-house, in every town of the Netherlands.
Count de Lannoy, who was in the service of the King
of Spain, and to whom the Marquis de Prie related this
fable, replied before a whole company, that it could
not be true, because the chamber of the Queen of Spain
was not so easy of access as Madame d'Apremont's, which
greatly disconcerted both the mother and the daughter.
The Count de Bonneval, who, notwithstanding the en-
gagements which then bound him to the house of Aus-
tria, always entertained the warmest attachment to his
Majesty the King of Spain, and the whole royal family
of France thought he could not better refute these ca-
lumnies, than by declaring one day when he had compa-
ny at his house, that those who circulated such stories
against the honor and virtue of so great a princess as the
Queen of Spain were scoundrels if they were men, and
w — s if they were women, be they who they would, nay,
even if such language had been held in the house of
the Marquis de Prie, or of the Marchioness his wife,

295 NOTES.

or in that of Madame d'Apremont, but without naming
them.

The count being greatly beloved in the Netherlands,
such a declaration from him broke all the measures of
the Pries against the Marquis des Eaux, and shewed the
public the source of these calumnies to their utter con-
fusion. They resolved to be revenged on him. He was
sent to the citadel of Antwerp, and Prince Eugencj at
Vienna, espoused the cause of the Pries with as much
warmth as if he had been personally attacked ; but not-
withstanding all his influence, Prie was dismissed from
the deputy-government, and he was himself removed from
his government of Flanders. This only increased his
animosity against the Count de Bonneval, whom he ac-
cused among other things of stirring up a business
that might lead to a war. He was confined for a year in
the Castle of Spielberg, in Moravia, and dismissed from
all his employments in the emperor's service; that great
and wise monarch having sacrificed the Count de Bonne-
val, to compensate Prince Eugene, iu some measure for
the mortification he felt for the fall of the Pries, and the
loss of his government of the Netherlands.

Some months afterwards, however, his imperial majesty
sent Count Zinzendorf, high chancellor of his court, to
Prince Eugene, to tell him, that his majesty would be
pleased to see this affair M'ith the Count de Bonneval ad-
justed ; that he was an officer who had rendered him im-
portant services, and he wished his highness would con-
trive means to restore matters to their former state. The
prince angrily replied : " Sir, the emperor is master
here ; but if the Count de Bonneval enters Vienna at
one gate, I shall lea^e it at another."

Finding the door thus shut against his readmission into
the imperial service, and that measures would be pursued
to prevent his being received into that of Spain or France,
the count came to the resolution of seeking his fortune in
Turkey.

1722.

(88) Page 199. Charles VI. displayed his magnifi-

NOTES. 297

cence at the marriage of his niece — The Archduchess
Maria Amelia, second daughter of the emperor Joseph,
who was united to Prince Charles Albert of Bavaria.

1723.

(89) Page 203. Who did not pay proper attention
to him — This circumstance Viliars in his memoirs
mentions in these words: — u He flew into such a pas-
sion one day at a public dinner, as to strike one of his
attendants, who did not serve him so expeditiously as
he Wished. His father, the emperor, looked at him
with emotion, and said: — * You might at least forbear to
expose yourself before strangers."

1725.

(90) Page 210. We were delighted zdth his re-
doubled pains to please us — Louis Francois Armand du
Plessis, Duke de Richelieu, and Marshal of France, was
not more notorious for his own early amours with females
of the highest rank in France, than for the part which
he acted in promoting those of Louis XV. He equally
distinguished himself by his services in the cabinet, in his
embassies to Vienna, Dresden, and Genoa; and in the
field, by the victory of Fontenoy, the reduction of Mi-
norca, and the capitulation of Clostersevern. Those
who would form a correct idea of the horrible depravity
and licentiousness which prevailed in the court of France
during the last century, are referred to the memoirs of
this nobleman by the Abbe Soulavie.

1728.

(91) Page 212. Gay as his little court of Lorraine— -
This prince having ceded the Duchy of Lorraine to
France, afterwards married the emperor's only child,
Maria Theresa, and ascended the imperial throne by the
title of Francis I. He was born in 1708, and died in
1765.

1732

(92) Page 215. The King of Prussia— Frederic

298 NOTES.

William I. whose father assumed the royal title. He
was born in 1688, commenced his reign in 1713, and
died in 1740. He married Sophia, daughter of the
Elector of Hanover, afterwards George I. of England,
by whom he was father to his successor, Frederic the
Great. Frederic William was particularly remarkable
for his partiality to soldiers of extraordinary stature, and
his attention to all the minutiae of the dress and evolu-
tions of his troops. These subjects, together wifh the
accumulation of money, were his favorite studies. Most
of his generals, whatever their merit might be in their
own line, scarcely knew how to sign their names. So
great indeed was the ignorance of the king himself, that
he banished from his dominions the celebrated philoso-
pher, Wolf, merely because he maintained the doctrine of
pre-established harmony ; upon which a theologian as-
serted that on such principles his Majesty's grenadiers
were not culpable when they deserted, as it was only
the necessary consequence of the impulse which their
fnachine had received from their Creator. Frederic
William also exposed his character to the imputation of
cruelty from the manner in which he conducted himself
towards his own son.

1733.

(93) Page 217. In spite of France^ xsho was desirous
•J again sealing Stanislaus on the throne, — Stanislaus
Leczinski, the son' of a Polish nobleman, was born in
1677. In 1704 he was sent ambassador by the assembly
of Warsaw to Charles XII. of Sweden, who had con-
quered Poland. Charles conceived such a friendship for
him, that he gave him the throne of that kingdom, and
caused him to be crowued in 1705. Stanislaus was in-
volved in 1709 in the misfortunes of his protector and
driven from his throne, which he could never afterwards
regain. He took refuge in France, where he lived in
obscurity till 1725, when Louis XV. espoused his
daughter Mary. On ihe death of Augustus in 1733,
he returned to' Poland, in hopes of recovering the crown,
but the young Elector of Saxony being supported by

NOTES. 299

Russia and Austria, was declared king. On the con-
clusion of peace between France and the Emperor of
Germany in 1736, it was agreed that Stanislaus should
abdicate the throne, and be put in possession of the du-
chies of Lorraine and Bar, which after his death were to
be united for ever to France. His death in 1766, occa-
sioned by his night-gown taking fire, produced a public
mourning ; indeed the tears of his subjects were the best
eulogium on the character of this excellent prince, whose
chief delight consisted in doing good.

1734.

(94) Page 221. Breaker of horse shoes — Augustus
II. Elector of Saxony and King of Poland, was re-
markable for his strength, which was so great that he
could break a horse-shoe in his hand with the greatest
ease.

(95) Page 222. The son of Augustus II. had been
elected Piast. — Piastus, a native of Poland, was raised
in the ninth century from the humble station of a wheel-
wright to the ducal throne of that country. In this new
dignity he displayed so many excellent qualities, that in
memory of him all the natives of Poland who have sinc«
been elected to the ducal or regal crown have been called
Piastes, in contradistinction to foreigners.

(96) Page 224. His head was carried off by a cannon
ball eight days after the opening of the trenches. — For
a brief character of the Duke of Berwick see a preced-
ing note.

(97) Page 224. / was envious on this occasion, and
it teas for the first time in my life. — It is related of
Marshal Villars, that on hearing of Berwick's death he
exclaimed with the same kind of feeling: " That man
was always fortunate."

(98) Page 224. Who appeared a young man of in-
finite promise. — This was the prince whose military ex-
ploits afterwards astonished the world and procured him
the epithet of Great. The circumstance from which
Prince Eugene drew his presentiment, was as follows:—
Frederic haying accompanied the commander-in-chjef,

300 NOTES.

when he went to reconnoitre, was on his return through
a very open wood, exposed to the cannon of the enemy's
lines, which thundered incessantly. The balls broke a
number of branches on every side of him ; notwithstand-
ing which he never caused his horse to move quicker,
nor did the hand which held the bridle alter its motion
even for a moment. He continued to converse with the
generals who attended him,, and never shewed the smallest
sign of apprehension.

(99) Page 224. Never did I see any thing so strong:
his ditches or trous de loups were conical, and superior to
those of Conde at Arras- -These entrenchments, says the
author of the Jlistoire du Prince Eugene, were the most
formidable that ever were seen. They were the contri-
vance of Baron d'Asfeld, afterwards Marshal of France,
and the greatest engineer of the age. They formed a
kind of bow, to which the Rhine was the string,
and Philipsburg the arrow. There were three ditches and
three parapets lined with one hundred and ten pieces of
heavy cannon, a great number of mortars andswivels.
All along the parapets were holes about six feet in
diameter, twelve deep, and three asunder. This practice
was not new ; it was adopted by Cajsar of old, and
since his time by the Archduke and the Great Conde,
at the siege of Arras. But the holes made by Conde
on this occasion, more than sixteen centuries after
Cajsar, were like those of the Roman general, of a
eircular figure, and were soon filled by means of lad-
ders and fascines ; but d'Asfeld's terminated in a cone,
and consequently could not be so well filled up by
fascines thrown into them in haste, as that the horses'
feet would not sink down in them. The last entrench-
ment was intersected by excellent traverses, defended
by a prodigious fire of musketry, so that the prince
looked upon any attempt to force these lines as temerity,
nay absolute madness.

(1G0) Page^S. Eugene was fond of lad company
and bad friends, and these are enough to ruin any body —
Keysler in his travels gives the following character of this
prince, of whom at that time the highest hopes were en-
tertained.— All those qualifications and endowments that

NOTES. 301

canprocureloveandcsteemshineconspicuous in this young
prince; a graceful person, the most engaging affabilihr
and sweetness of temper, a quick understanding, an heroic,
ardour, a skill iu the sciences and other parts of polite
literature, which is the more extraordinary in a prir.ee of
fifteen years, justify the exalted hopes entertained of
him. He shews a strong inclination to a military life,
and is already inuring himself to it, so that a bare board
serves him for a pillow. The king has taken the greatest
care of his education, and suffered him to be ignorant of
no branch of knowledge, which may contribute to his
future advancement. To keep him out of public diver-
sions and other dissipations, he has hitherto resided at a
distance from the court, having apartments at the riding
academy ; there he^gives himself up to the study of the
sciences with such application and intenseness, that he
scarcely comes to court once a week, or appears at any-
public diversions.

f 101) Page 231. The preliminaries ig&re signed — ■
By this treaty the Elector of Saxony was put into quiet
possession of the crown of Poland, and the Duchy
of Lorraine and Bar ceded to the dethroned King
Stanislaus, after whose death it was to be united to
France.

(102) Page 4. If I should live a little longer—It was
but a very short time before the attacks of the disorder
alluded to by the prince, caused serious apprehensions
for his life. By the skill and attention of the Chevalier
Carelli, first physician to the emperor, he however reco-
vered sufficient strength to receive company, and also to
continue his evening visits to the Countess de Bathtany.
On the 20th of April, 1736, being at her house, and hav-
ing played a game at piquet, he found himself so weak,
that he was obliged to leave his friends very early. He
returned to his palace and went to bed, having, as he
said, more appetite for sleep than for supper. When his
valet reminded him of the draught, sent for him by
Carelli, he replied : " There is no hurry; it is the same
thing whether I take it to-night or to-morrow. I had
rather wait till morning." At ten o'clock the following
day his attendants found him dead in his bed. His fune-

o02 NOTES.

ral obsequies were performed with the greatest magnifi-
cence, in the Church of St. Stephen, at Vienna, where his
remains were deposited.

The following summary of the character of this great
man by his historian will not be deemed by the reader an
improper conclusion to this work.

Prince Eugene, though of middling stature, was very
well made. His face was rather long, of a dark com-
plexion, and such as becomes a soldier: his ejes were
black, lively, and full of fire; his mouth was neither
large nor small, aud he kept it almost always open. His
nose was well-shaped, though rather long, and he had
accustomed himself to take a great deal of snuff. His
face was thin and his cheeks somewhat hollow. He had
black hair, which he wore till it began to grow grey,
when he had it cut off, and supplied its place with a wig.
He had naturally a grave and serious look; but on pro-
per occasions he could promote hilarity as well as any
mani When he shewed himself to his troops, there ap-
peared in his person a certain air of greatness and majesty,
which created respect in all who beheld him, from the
highest general to the meanest soldier. He was particu-
larly beloved by the troops on account of the resources,
by means of which he contrived that they should want
for nothing in a country where under any other general
they would have been starved to death. In the long
Avars carried on by the throe emperors, under whom
Prince Eugene lived, the troops were often left without
money and many other necessaries ; but Eugene always
found means to provide for their wants. I mean not to
assert that he ever melted down his plate to pay the army,
like Turenne; but he often caused provisions to be dis-
tributed at his expence among the troops, when he could
not supply them at the expence of the country in which
he happened to be. I know not that Prince Eugene
<?ver refused the contributions which were brought him,
as Turenne did ; but nobody can charge him with avarice,
which Marlborough and Villars have so justly been ac
cused of. Eugene was generous but not prodigal. It
cannot be denied that he enriched himself as much by
war as by the favors of fha emperors '3 neither eau

NOTES. 303

any one refuse him the justice to admit, that in peace
he made a worthy use of the wealth which he had
amassed.

As he was fond of the fine arts, several eminent professors
of them were partakers of his bounty. At a time when
the plague had made great ravages in Vienna, and the
necessaries of life were very dear in that city, Prince
Eugene employed fifteen hundred hands in the embellish-
ment of his palace, and gave them double wages, though
he had no occasion for two-thirds of their number. The
beauty of this palace, his furniture, his paintings, his cabi-
nets of curiosities, his library, his grounds, his fountains,
his statues, and his menagerie, attest the grandeur and
good taste of this hero ; and the splendid entertainments
which he was in the daily habit of giving, displayed tha
liberality and magnificence of his disposition. Though
in the bottom religious, he was no bigot. He was an
enemy to intemperate zeal, and a spirit of persecution;
and though he had no indulgence for those who would
scruple to eat an egg on Good Friday, but would not
hesitate to kill a fellow creature on EasterSunday, under
the pretext of avenging the deity ; yet he was punctual
in the performance of the duties of his religion.

The qualities of his mind corresponded with those of
his heart. It was highly cultivated, improved by exten-
sive reading and profouud study, and endowed with ex-
traordinary penetration. His judgment was sound, and
seldom was he mistaken in regard to the characters of
others; discovering in a moment their most hidden
features. He spoke very little, but that little always
bore the stamp of good sense. He never slandered any
one, but on the other hand he was frugal in his praise,
which he never bestowed except on real merit. Jf he
co'iUl not speak well of a person, he was wholly silent.
Nobody ever excelled him in keeping a secret; and never
did he suiter any thing to escape him that could betray
what he had once resolved not to communicate. He
readily forgave his enemies; he had many whom he
well knew, but on whom he never sought to revenge
himself.

The prince would never marry, as it was a maxiat

3Q£ NOTES.

with him, that a wife is a ..troublesome appendage to a
soldier, who forgets his duty to think of her, -and is
often too sparing of his life for her sake. He did not,
however, avoid the company of females, and no one
better uuderstood the art of rendering to the fair sex
whatever is justly due to it, politeness, affability, com.
plaisance,and attention. All these were natural to him in
the society of ladies, and he behaved to them with such
gallantry, that it might hive been supposed he was
enamored of some one of them, had he not conducted
himself in the same manner to all indiscriminately. He
nevertheless treated the Countess de Bathiany with a
certain kind of distinction. The prince was frequently
at her house ; he dined, played, and spent his evenings
with her, and seemed to enjoy himself there more than in
any other place. The reason was this : — the Countess de
Bathiany was a lady of extraordinary understanding, of
the most Tefined and engaging maimers, who spoke seve-
ral languages, and did every thing with grace; but then
her virtues were equal to her accomplishments^ She
encouraged the prince's visits, on account of his rank,
his illustrious birth, and the splendor of his achievements,
things calculated to make an impression on women: and
Eugene was fond of seeing the countess, because her wit
and humour and her conversation pleased and amused him,
and caused him to pass the time more agreeably with her
than any where else. In short, I may venture to assert,
without deviating from the rigid truth, that the strong
passion which Prince Eugene always felt for war, had as
it were suspended and absorbed every other, so that it
is not surprising that he should have been invariably
sober, chaste, and temperate ; regardless of pleasure, and
attentive only to reputation, and the means of acquiring
immortal renown.

THE END.

B. Clarke, I>i inter, Well Street, London.

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